Hello Friends,

Here's something to look forward to. According to the Arab League population experts over 70% of the Arab youth want to leave their respective countries.

Now that's a frightening thought isn't it. The total Muslim population is around 1,500,000,000 (1.5 billion) people. I'd say at least half of them are youth, so we're talking about at the minimum 525,000,000 Arabs that want to migrate to western countries. Think about that and absorb what that'll do to the western world.

It's mind boggling and if you think the west has problems now with the massive immigration from Muslim countries it'll compound to unsolvable situations unless steps are taken now. Geert Wilders has been saying that in order to save the Netherlands they have to stop the immigration now. The same holds true to all of Europe which is already in dire straits and the United States which is following in its footsteps and making the same mistakes they did rather then learn from their mistakes.

Friends, the United States has around 300 million total population and guess which will be the preferred country for these "youths" to immigrate to?! If only 10% of them want to come to the USA that's over 52,000,000. Think about 20% or 30% or more. What'll that do to the demographics of the United States of America? Or should we start calling it the 'United Islamic States of America'? This is a wake up call and warning of things to come. Don't say you weren't warned in advance.

Shalom,

Peter

As the Arab Spring heads into a cold Islamic Winter, some three quarters of Arab youth want to migrate to countries outside the Middle East region, an Arab League official warned on Wednesday.

"Due to their poor enfranchisement in society and politics, and due to rising joblessness, 70 per cent of Arab youth want to migrate out of the region," Khalid Al Wahishi, director of Population Policy and Immigration for Arab League, was quoted as saying by the Qatari daily The Peninsula.

"We at Arab League have been warning member states at all our meetings to empower the youth," Al Wahishi told delegates and population experts at a meeting in Qatar.

"Unemployment, alarmingly high at 26 per cent, poor participation of youth and illiteracy are major hindrances to population policy development and implementation.

"The ratio of youth in the population of Arab countries is very high and requires efforts to empower them and raise their participation in politics,

"The changes taking place in some Arab countries clearly show that it is the youth of these states who have played a leading role in the reforms movement," he concluded.

According to Wahishi the Arab League has been arguing for several years that there was an urgent need to tackle the problems of unemployment in member-states and to empower the youth and raise their level of participation in society and politics.

Hello Friends,

Alan West wrote a very interesting article which in essence says know your enemy and understanding 21st century combat. He has the experience on the ground and as usual isn't afraid to call a spde a spade. A very interesting read.

Shalom,

Peter


West: U.S. Must Understand 21st-Century Combat

By Rep. Allen West
Special to Roll Call
Nov. 2, 2011, Midnight

Today’s paradigm of battle and combat operations is completely different from what I experienced in 1982 when I was commissioned as a young lieutenant in the U.S. Army. At that time, the battlefield was much simpler.

In broad strokes, there was the Soviet Union on one side and the United States on the other. We were familiar with their tactics and equipment, and they with ours. Both sides wore uniforms, and every now and then we would stage war games on border control missions.

That paradigm has completely disappeared, leaving in its place an asymmetrical battlefield with non-uniformed, non-state belligerents using unconventional weapons and tactics. If the United States is going to be successful in protecting its citizens and interests, it must quickly understand and adapt to this new battlefield and be prepared for success and victory.

While America may lack an appropriate strategic level perspective, we will never lose at the tactical level on the ground because the United States has the best soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines and Coast Guardsmen the world has ever known. But without the correct strategic and operational goals and objectives, we will find ourselves on the proverbial hamster wheel. No matter how much effort we exert on the wheel, we will not make forward progress.

To begin with, we must correctly identify our enemy. It is frankly naive to say we are at war with “terror” because a nation cannot be at war with a tactic. Imagine, if during World War II, the United States went to war against the “blitzkrieg” or the “kamikaze.”

Further, we cannot narrowly define the enemy as simply al-Qaida or the Taliban. It is just as ridiculous to say we declared war against the 12th German Panzer Division or the 55th Japanese Infantry Regiment in World War II or the 7th Guards Tank Division during the Cold War.

Before the rise of al-Qaida, the terrorist group which had inflicted the most damage on the United States was Hezbollah. Now Hezbollah has become a very capable military force, albeit one without state or uniform — so capable in fact, it has armed missiles within striking distance of every city in Israel.

The Obama administration has failed to identify Hezbollah as an enemy. On this 21st century battlefield we are not fighting against a single organization, leader or nation. We are fighting against the ideology of Islamic totalitarianism, manifested at a tactical level as terrorism, which knows no country and recognizes no borders.

Until we, as a nation, are able to correctly and openly identify our enemy, we will continue to put our men and women on the ground in harm’s way without a clear mission for success. Once we have identified the enemy, we must ensure we have clearly identified the specific strategic level objectives to effectively fight. I believe there are four:

1. Deny the enemy sanctuary. The number one asset our military has is strategic mobility. When that is curtailed by a focus on nation-building or occupation-style warfare, we eliminate our primary advantage, and worse, our military forces become targets. Because this enemy has no respect for borders or boundaries, we must be willing to take the fight directly to him.

2. Cut off the enemy’s flow of men, material and resources. We have to interdict the enemy’s flow of resources in order to prevent the ability to fund, supply and replenish his ranks.

3. Win the information war. Unfortunately, the enemy is far more adept at exploiting the power of the Internet, broadcast media and dissemination of powerful imagery. In addition, I fear our media now sees itself as an ideological political wing. If we cannot fully use our own national informational power as an asset, we will lose the strategic battle, if not our country.

4. Cordon off the enemy and reduce his sphere of influence. We must shrink the enemy’s territory, but we are not being effective. We are allowing, if not welcoming, the enemy into the United States. What happened with Maj. Nidal Hasan, the alleged Fort Hood shooter, should not have happened in this country. We must not turn a blind eye to a very bold enemy who is telling us exactly what he wants to do and is willing to bring the battle to our doorstep.

We must recognize that Afghanistan and Iraq are not distinct wars, but combat theaters of operation. It is up to our elected leaders and our senior military officials to identify and agree on the correct strategic goals and objectives in order to be successful on these battlefields and others. When we have a proper national security strategy, we will have a focused national military strategy, preparing the defense-industrial base to develop the right weapons systems for victory.

We must be mindful of the wise words compiled by Sun Tzu in “The Art of War” more than 25 centuries ago, “to know your enemy and to know yourself and to know the environment and countless amounts of battles, you will always be victorious.” If we do not understand this simple maxim, we face dark days ahead.

For the sake of our nation, and of all nations who seek freedom for their citizens, we must clearly identify the 21st century battlefield and ensure we are victorious on it.

Rep. Allen West (R-Fla.), a retired Army lieutenant colonel, serves on the Armed Services Committee.

Hello Friends,

The next two posts are parts of the series the Voices of Palestine. The first post profiles Mahmoud Abbas whose nom de guerre is Abu Mazen. Abbas is the president of the PA. He was Arafat's right hand man and one of rthe founders of the Fatah and PLO. He is considered by the west to be a "moderate" which is far from the truth but let his past history of terrorism and present history of supporting terrorism speak for itself.

Shalom,

Peter

Voices of Palestine: Mahmoud Abbas

Posted by Frontpagemag.com Bio ↓ on Nov 15th, 2011

Editor’s note: Below is the latest profile of Frontpage’s new series, “Voices of Palestine,” which will illuminate the core beliefs, in their own words, of leading figures in the Palestinian death cult. Click the following to view the profiles ofAhmad Bahr, Mahmoud al-Zahar, Ibrahim Mudayris, Yasser Ghalban, Haj Amin al-Husseini and Wafa al-Bis.

Born in March 1935, Mahmoud Abbas​, commonly known as Abu Mazen​, is a leading politician in Fatah. He served as Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority (PA) from March to October 2003. In January 2005 he was elected President of the PA.

Abbas was born in Safed, in what was then the British Mandate of Palestine. After the founding of Israel and the subsequent occupation of the rest of the former Mandate by Jordan and Egypt, he left for Egypt to study law. Abbas subsequently pursued graduate studies in Moscow, where he earned a doctorate. His doctoral thesis later became a book (titled The Other Side: The Secret Relations between Nazism and the Leadership of the Zionist Movement) which denied both the scope and gravity of the Nazi Holocaust. According to Abbas, ”only a few hundred thousand Jews” were killed in the Holocaust and those mostly through collusion between the Nazis and the Zionists.

In the mid-1950s Abbas became involved in underground Palestinian politics, and joined a number of exiled Palestinians in Qatar. While there, he recruited numerous people who would become key figures in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and was one of the founding members of Fatah in 1957.

Through the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, Abbas travelled with Yasser Arafat and the rest of the PA leadership-in-exile to Jordan, Lebanon, and Tunisia. Widely regarded as a pragmatist, Abbas is credited with initiating secretive contacts with leftist and pacifist Jewish organizations during the 1970s and 80s, and is considered by many to have been a major architect of the 1993 Oslo peace accords (evidenced in part by the fact that he traveled with Arafat to the White House to sign the accords).

Mohammed Daoud Oudeh, mastermind of the Munich Massacre of eleven Israeli Olympic athletes in 1972, alleges that his deadly operation (spearheaded by Abu Nidal and carried out under the name “Black September“) was funded by Abbas.

Nonetheless, Abbas has cultivated a public reputation as a political moderate. The main piece of evidence for his putative temperance—his supposed opposition to the Palestinian Intifada—is belied by many of his public statements. In March 2003, for example, Abbas told the London-based Arabic paper A-Sharq al-Aussat, “The Intifada must continue, and it is the right of the Palestinian people to resist and use all possible means in order to defend its presence and existence …”

Morton Klein, National President of the Zionist Organization of America, makes the following observations about Abbas:

One of the extraordinary blind spots of contemporary Middle East history is the obsession of calling Mahmoud Abbas, whose nom de guerre or war name is Abu Mazen, a peace-loving moderate. … Abbas was not only Yasser Arafat​’s deputy for 40 years, he also co-founded with him the terrorist group Fatah, masterminded the Munich massacre and wrote a PhD thesis and book denying the Holocaust. He has completely failed as PA president to honor the Oslo Accords and other signed agreements, including the 2003 Roadmap peace plan by … extraditing and jailing terrorists and confiscating their weaponry, and ending the incitement to hatred and murder in the PA-controlled media, mosques, schools and youth camps … When the PA opened its own Rafah border crossing in Gaza [in 2005], he named it after the terrorist killer Al-Moayed Bihokmillah Al-Aqha, who was killed in December 2004 carrying out a terrorist attack that killed five Israelis.

Mahmoud Abbas has repeatedly spoken of the importance of “implementing the principles of Yasser Arafat” … He has praised the Lebanese Islamist terrorist group, Hizballah, … saying that it is a source of pride and sets an example for what he termed the “Arab resistance” … He condemned Israel’s killing of four Palestinian terrorists in a military operation as a “barbarous slaughter” … He sometimes criticizes Palestinian terrorism only on tactical grounds, because “it harms the Palestinian interests.”

Although it is an explicit Palestinian commitment under the Oslo agreements and the Roadmap peace plan, he calls dismantling terrorist groups a “red line” that must not be crossed. … [He] has said of Palestinian terrorists that “Israel calls them terrorists, we call them strugglers”; … that “Allah loves the martyr”; … and that wanted Palestinian terrorists are “heroes fighting for freedom” … When President Bush asked Abbas to announce that he supports Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state, he refused. Lastly, it should also not be forgotten that Mahmoud Abbas heads the Fatah Party, a movement whose Charter to this day calls for terrorism against Israel and its destruction.

By early 2003, as both Israel and the United States had indicated their refusal to negotiate any further with Arafat, Abbas began to emerge as a candidate for a more visible leadership role. As a founding member of Fatah, he enjoyed a measure of credibility within the Palestinian cause. And his reputation as a pragmatist garnered him favor with the international community and with certain elements of the Palestinian legislature. Thus pressure was soon brought on Arafat to appoint Abbas to the post of Prime Minister. Arafat did so, with some reluctance, on March 19, 2003.

Abbas’s tenure as Prime Minister was characterized by numerous power struggles between him and Arafat. Abbas also came into conflict with Palestinian terrorist groups, notably Islamic Jihad and Hamas; his pragmatic policies were diametrically opposed to the hard-line approach of those organizations. Initially Abbas pledged, in the interest of avoiding a civil war, to use negotiation rather than force in dealing with the militants. This approach was partially successful, resulting in a pledge from the two groups to honor a unilateral Palestinian cease-fire. However, subsequent eruptions of violence forced Abbas to order a police-enforced crackdown. This led to further struggle with Arafat over control of the Palestinian security services.

The feud came to a head on September 6, 2003: Abbas submitted to Arafat his resignation from the post of Prime Minister, citing inability to carry out his duties in the face of continual opposition from Arafat and others in the Palestinian Authority, as well as a lack of support from Israel. He presided over a “caretaker” government until his successor Ahmed Qurei was sworn in on October 7, 2003.

Abbas resurfaced on the Palestinian political scene following Arafat’s death in November 2004, succeeding Arafat as PLO Chairman. Later that month, Abbas won the endorsement of Fatah to stand as its candidate in the January 2005 presidential election, for which he campaigned on a virulently anti-Israel platform. At a January 4 campaign stop, for instance, he denounced Israel as the “Zionist enemy,” and offered a prayer to “the souls of the martyrs,” a reference to seven Palestinian terrorists killed by the Israeli army earlier in the week.

In the election, Abbas became President of the PA by winning 62 percent of the vote. Immediately following his victory, he proclaimed that “the little jihad had ended, and the bigjihad is now beginning.” Abbas also took the opportunity to dedicate his victory to “brother shahid [martyr] Yasir Arafat​,” and paid tribute to all Palestinian “shahids and prisoners.”

In March 2005, Abbas issued an invitation to the Damascus-based leaders of several terrorist groups – among them Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – to relocate headquarters from Damascus to Gaza, and to join the PLO in a governing coalition as soon as Israel had completed its planned disengagement from its Gaza settlements.

Immediately after Israel had withdrawn its military forces and civilian residents from Gaza in August 2005, Abbas said: “We must remember that our achievements are the result of the sacrifices of the martyrs. … This step will be followed by further withdrawals from the West Bank and Jerusalem.” “We will continue the quest,” Abbas declared on August 30, “until not a single [Palestinian] prisoner is left in the Israeli jails.”

On September 12, 2005, Abbas delivered his first official speech since the Israeli withdrawal, in the compass of which he claimed that the Gaza Strip was still occupied because Israel, on the pretext of well-justified security concerns, had refused to surrender its control of several access points into Gaza.

The Weekly Standard reports that in December 2005, Abbas approved a law authorizing lump-sum payments of $2,200 to the surviving family members of ”shahids” (martyrs)–including suicide bombers.

In early 2007, Abbas stated, “We [Palestinians] should put our internal fighting aside and raise our rifles only against the Israeli occupation.” Around the same time period, he said, ”We must unite the Hamas and Fatah blood in the struggle against Israel as we did at the beginning of the Intifada.”

In February 2007, Abbas signed an agreement officially making his Fatah movement a junior partner of Hamas. Explaining the move, Abbas said that “the only two options facing me were civil war or national unity, and I chose the second.”

That same month, Abbas sent effusive greetings via telegram to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for Iran’s national holiday. According to the PA daily Al-Hayat Al Jadida, Abbas wrote:

I am happy to express to your excellency and, through you, to your honorable government and to your brother people, on behalf of the Palestinian people and their leadership and on my behalf personally, the warmest, most heartfelt wishes, in a prayer to Allah, that He shall bestow on you on this holiday further progress and prosperity.

When U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice announced, in November 2007, that peace eventually would come to the Middle East, Abbas refused to recognize Israel’s right to exist.

In the wake of a March 2008 slaughter of eight young yeshiva students by an Arab terrorist in Jerusalem, Abbas spokesman Saeb Erekat assured journalists — in English, for Western consumption — that Abbas condemned not only these killings but all attacks on innocent civilians, be they Palestinians or Israelis. However, Boston Globe writer Jeff Jacoby points out: “[J]ust a few days before the yeshiva massacre, Abbas had told the Jordanian daily Al-Dustur — in Arabic, for Arab consumption — that he is against terrorist attacks only for tactical reasons ‘at this time’ and that ‘in the future, things may change.’ He boasted of his long involvement with PLO violence — ‘I had the honor of firing the first shot in 1965′ …”

In May 2008 a report by Palestinian Media Watch asserted that Abbas’ PA government not only supported terror, but was increasingly allying itself with America’s enemies such as Iran, Syria, North Korea and Venezuela.

On April 27, 2009, Abbas addressed the Palestinian Youth Parliament. In the course of his speech, he candidly rejected the legitimacy of Israel’s identity as a Jewish state, drawing enthusiastic applause from his audience. He said:

The “Jewish state.” What is a “Jewish state?” We call it, the “State of Israel.” You can call yourselves whatever you want. You can call yourselves whatever you want. But I will not accept it. And I say this on a live broadcast. It’s not my job to define it, to provide a definition for the state and what it contains. You can call yourselves the Zionist Republic, the Hebrew, the National, the Socialist [Republic] call it whatever you like. I don’t care.(Click here to see a video of Abbas delivering this quote.)

On July 4, 2010, Abbas eulogized Abu Dauod, mastermind of the 1972 massacre of 11 Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics​, who had died the previous day. Said Abbas: “He is missed. He was one of the leading figures of Fatah and spent his life in resistance and sincere work as well as physical sacrifice for his people’s just causes.”

In December 2010, Abbas reiterated his longstanding position that if a Palestinian state were to be established, no Jews would be p[ermitted to enter it: “We have frankly said, and always will say: If there is an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, we won’t agree to the presence of one Israeli in it … when a Palestinian state is established, it would have no Israeli presence in it.”

In a televised September 16, 2011 address to the Palestinian people, Abbas said that the following week, he would take the Palestinians’ request for full United Nations member state recognition to the U.N. Security Council on the basis of the 1967 territorial lines, even though he knew that the U.S. had vowed to veto such a resolution. Said Abbas:

We are trying to get a full membership in the U.N., on the '67 borders, so we will be able, afterwards, to go back to negotiations…during which we will discuss final status issues, Jerusalem, refugees, borders, water, security, settlements and the issue of our prisoners, [who] by that stage will be prisoners of war, not terrorists or criminals. Even if this won’t be the case, they will be our top priority. The decision has been already taken and we aren’t intending to withdraw it. As soon as I give my speech at the UN General Assembly, I will hand the bid to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to pass it to the president of the Security Council.

You can read more about him here

Hello Friends,

The second profile in the Voices of Palestine series is Ahlam Tamimi. She is one of the 1027 convicted terrorists exchanged for the release of Gilad Shalit. She's an unrepentent jihadi terrorist and was one of those who planned and assisted in the suicide bombing of Jerusalem's Sbarro's Pizzareia in 2001. 15 were killed and an additional 130 were wounded.

Her profile is a chilling account since as I said is unrepentent and in her words is willing to do it again.

Shalom,

Peter

Voices of Palestine: Ahlam Tamimi

Posted by Frank Crimi Bio ↓ on Nov 18th, 2011

Editor’s note: Below is the latest profile of Frontpage’s new series, “Voices of Palestine,” which will illuminate the core beliefs, in their own words, of leading figures in the Palestinian death cult. Click the following to view the profiles of Ahmad Bahr, Mahmoud al-Zahar, Ibrahim Mudayris, Yasser Ghalban, Haj Amin al-Husseini, Wafa al-Bis and Mahmoud Abbas.

In October 2011, Ahlam Tamimi, a female Jordanian who helped plan and assist in a horrific 2001 suicide bombing in Israel, was released from an Israeli jail as part of the Palestinian prisoner exchange for Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit​.

Tamimi had been serving 16 life sentences for her role in the August 9, 2001 suicide bombing of Sbarro’s pizzeria in Jerusalem, a suicide bombing that killed 15 Israelis and wounded over 130 others. Among the murdered victims were eight children, a pregnant woman and another woman who was left in a permanent coma.

At the time of the killing, Tamimi was a 20-year-old Jordanian national who lived in Ramallah, studied at Birzeit University, and worked as a television journalist. She was also the first woman to have been recruited by Hamas’ Izzadine el-Qassam, the military wing of Hamas that launched 138 suicide attacks against Israeli military and civilian targets during the al-Aqsa Intifada from 2000-2004, killing over 1,064 Israelis and wounding 7,462 others.

While Tamimi’s most visible role in the Sbarro operation was to transport the suicide bomber to the target, in reality she was intimately involved in its entire planning, including intelligence gathering, reconnaissance, and target selection.

Needless to say, Tamimi — whose fellow co-conspirator in the Sbarro bombing, Mohammad Daghlas, was also released as part of the prisoner swap — was ecstatic about her good fortune, declaring upon her release:

It’s a brilliant move of the Hamas negotiators to include my name in the swap deal although the Israeli military Courts recommended not to include my name in any prisoners swap in the future.

However, if anyone had entertained the idea that Tamimi’s ten years in prison may have engendered in her a feeling of remorse about her viscous actions, those ideas were quickly disabused in a television interview she gave in Jordan on October 19, 2011.

When asked by the interviewer if “she would carry out the attack today,” Tamimi defiantly responded:

Of course, I do not regret what happened. Absolutely not. This is the path. I dedicated myself to Jihad for the sake of Allah, and Allah granted me success. You know how many casualties there were [in the 2001 attack on the Sbarro pizzeria]? This was made possible by Allah. Do you want me to denounce what I did? That’s out of the question. I would do it again today, and in the same manner.

That manner by which Tamimi carried out the attack on Sbarro’s was both chilling in its details and terrifying in its effects.

As part of her intelligence gathering, Tamimi had picked Sbarro’s precisely because it was unguarded and would be filled with patrons, most of whom were children and young mothers.

Apparently, Tamimi’s choice satisfied Ezziddin Al-Masri, the operation’s suicide bomber. In a later interview after her arrest, Tamimi said the only question he had asked her was: “Will there be religious Jews there?” which she answered in the affirmative.

On the day of the attack, Tamimi escorted Al-Masri to the restaurant. In an attempt to pass inconspicuously as tourists, Tamimi and Al-Masri were dressed as Westerners and spoke English as they made their way by taxi from Ramallah into Jewish West Jerusalem.

When Tamimi dropped Al-Masri off at Sbarro’s, the human bomb then made his way into the restaurant carrying an explosive hidden inside a guitar case and packed with nails and screws to maximize the destruction.

Then, once the blast was detonated, Tamimi, who was working then as a broadcaster on Palestinian television, nonchalantly made her way past the carnage to her news station where she announced the attack on that afternoon’s broadcast, careful to not mention her own role in the assault.

However, in the ensuing years after her arrest on September 14, 2001, Tamimi was only more than happy to detail her role in the murderous act.

That fact was chillingly on display in a documentary made on Palestinian prisoners, in which Tamimi was asked whether she knew how many children had been killed in the Sbarro suicide attack. While she acknowledged that the exact number was unknown to her, when informed that eight children had died, Tamimi just smiled.

However, in a 2006 interview with an Israeli newspaper, Tamimi was more vocal about her feelings about her role in the suicide bombing when she declared:

Hamas has principles in connection with discussion with Israel. Hamas wants to reach accomplishments without giving up on Palestine. I’m not sorry for what I did. I will get out of prison and I refuse to recognize Israel’s existence. Discussions will only take place after Israel recognizes that this is Islamic land. Despite the fact that I’m sentenced to 16 life sentences I know that we will become free from Israeli occupation and then I will also be free from the prison.

Unfortunately, Tamimi’s belief proved prophetic, as today she is not only free but celebrated as a hero in Jordan. That sad fact was clearly evident when Tamimi was greeted upon her return to Jordan by hundreds of supporters waving Palestinian flags and Hamas banners at the Amman airport.

Of course, the crowd’s reaction should cause little surprise given that many Palestinians have a special fondness for those involved in the Sbarro massacre. After all, six weeks after the deadly blast, a triumphal exhibit at Al Najah University in the West Bank featured a model of Sbarro’s including a special feature of chewed pizza crusts and bloody plastic body parts suspended from the ceiling as if they were blasting through the air.

While Tamimi openly thanked the joyous welcoming crowd for its support, she was quick to point out that not all was well as some of her terrorist compatriots still remained behind in Israeli jails:

The message of the Palestinian people is: liberate Palestine and the Aqsa Mosque. By Allah Ibrahim Hamed, Mahmoud Isa, Hasan Salameh, Abu Al-Heija and Al-Barghouthi are more deserving to be in my place [free].

So, while Tamimi may feel pain at not being reunited with some of her terrorist brethren, all is not gloom in her life. According to her father, Arif Tamimi, Ahlam is looking forward to her upcoming marriage to a released prisoner from the Gilad Shalit​ prisoner swap.

Unlike the victims of Sbarro’s whose lives were terminally interrupted by a suicide bomb tearing their bodies apart, for Ahlam Tamimi, life goes merrily on.

Of course, the crowd’s reaction should cause little surprise given that many Palestinians have a special fondness for those involved in the Sbarro massacre. After all, six weeks after the deadly blast, a triumphal exhibit at Al Najah University in the West Bank featured a model of Sbarro’s including a special feature of chewed pizza crusts and bloody plastic body parts suspended from the ceiling as if they were blasting through the air.

While Tamimi openly thanked the joyous welcoming crowd for its support, she was quick to point out that not all was well as some of her terrorist compatriots still remained behind in Israeli jails:

The message of the Palestinian people is: liberate Palestine and the Aqsa Mosque. By Allah Ibrahim Hamed, Mahmoud Isa, Hasan Salameh, Abu Al-Heija and Al-Barghouthi are more deserving to be in my place [free].

So, while Tamimi may feel pain at not being reunited with some of her terrorist brethren, all is not gloom in her life. According to her father, Arif Tamimi, Ahlam is looking forward to her upcoming marriage to a released prisoner from the Gilad Shalit​ prisoner swap.

Unlike the victims of Sbarro’s whose lives were terminally interrupted by a suicide bomb tearing their bodies apart, for Ahlam Tamimi, life goes merrily on.

=