uyer’s remorse was beginning to afflict supporters
of Barack Obama before a recent primary
election returns showed he had delivered a knockout
punch against Hillary Clinton. The young orator
who had seemed so fantastic beginning with his 2007
Jefferson-Jackson dinner speech in Iowa disappointed
even his own advisers over the past two weeks, and
old party hands mourned that they were stuck with
a flawed candidate.
The whipping Obama gave Clinton in North Carolina
and his near miss in Indiana transformed that
impression. The candidate who delivered the victory
speech in Raleigh, N.C., was the Obama of Des
Moines, bearing no resemblance to the gloomy,
uneasy candidate who had seemed unable to effectively
deal with bumps in the campaign road. Returning
to his eloquent call for unity, the victorious
Obama in advance dismissed Republican criticism of
his ideology or his past as the same old partisan bickering
that the people hate.
John McCain as the Republican candidate does
not like that kind of campaigning, either. But a gentlemanly
contest between the old war hero from out
of the past and the new advocate of reform from the
future probably would guarantee Democratic
takeover of the White House. The Republican Party,
suffering from public disrepute, faces major Democratic
gains in each house of Congress — leaving the
defeat of Obama as the sole GOP hope for 2008.
Republicans were cheered and Democrats distressed
by an inexperienced Obama’s ineptitude in
handled adversity the past month. The new Republican
consensus considered Obama the weaker of the
two Democratic candidates. Indeed, Hillary Clinton
had finally shaken off pretensions of entitlement and
consigned Bill Clinton to rural America, raising speculation
that she would decisively carry Indiana and
threaten Obama in North Carolina. Clinton’s failure
Tuesday was a product of demographics rather than
Obama’s campaign skill. Consistently winning over
90 percent of the African-American vote, Obama is
unbeatable in a primary where the black electorate is
as large as North Carolina’s (half the registered Democratic
vote there). Indiana differed from seemingly
similar Ohio and Pennsylvania, where Clinton scored
big wins, because it borders Obama’s state of Illinois,
with many voters in the Chicago media market.
As the clear winner and the presumptive nominee,
Obama in Raleigh Tuesday unveiled his general election
strategy. Dismissing McCain’s “ideas” as “nothing
more than the failed policies of the past,” Obama
denounced what he called the Republican campaign
plan: “Yes, we know what’s coming. ... We’ve already
seen it, the same names and labels they always pin on
everyone who doesn’t agree with all their ideas.”
Thus, Obama seems to be ruling out not only discussion
of his 20-year association with the Rev. Jeremiah
Wright but also any identification of the
Democratic presidential candidate as “liberal” or as
an advocate of higher taxes, higher domestic spending,
abortion rights and gun control. These issues
appear to be included in what Obama at Raleigh
called “attempts to play on our fears and exploit our
differences.”
The test of Obama’s strategy may be his friendship
with and support from William Ayers, an unrepentant
member of the Weatherman terrorist underground
of the 1960s. Instead of totally disavowing
Ayers as he belatedly did his former pastor Wright,
Obama potentially deepened his problem by referring
to Ayers as just a college professor — “a guy who
lives in my neighborhood.” He then compared their
relationship with his friendship with conservative
Republican Sen. Tom Coburn, as he had compared
Wright’s racism with his white grandmother’s.
Democrats abhor bringing up what Obama calls
Ayers’ “detestable acts 40 years ago,” but it will be
brought into the public arena even if it is not
McCain’s style of politics. A photo of Ayers stomping
on the American flag in 2001 has been all over
the Internet this week. That was the year Obama
accepted a $200 political contribution from Ayers