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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
12/16/2014 10:20:51 AM



Weak deal at Lima climate talks disappoints climate hawks



LIMA, Peru — The U.N. climate summit kicked off two weeks ago with anunfamiliar sense of optimism, invigorated by the recent agreement between the United States and China. But it ended with an all-too-familiar sense of disappointment.

On early Sunday morning, delegates delivered a vague, four-page document that does little more than set the terms for what the parties will be battling over at the next big summit in Paris a year from now.

After two weeks huddled in sweaty, sweltering tents (yes, many a “greenhouse effect” joke was made), the various negotiating blocs found themselves unable to agree on a handful of major issues. So in overtime sessions over the weekend, the stickiest of the sticking points were stripped out from one draft text after the next, until very little remained.

Green groups and citizens from vulnerable, developing nations bemoaned the lack of commitment and urgency.

“The text went from weak to weaker to weakest, and it’s very weak indeed,” said Samantha Smith, WWF’s chief of climate policy.

“Make no mistake: Lima delivered a pathetically weak outcome, because developed countries like the U.S. are failing to meet their obligations,” said Brandon Wu, a senior policy analyst at ActionAid USA. “A tiny bit of progress does not make up for decades of inaction on both emissions cuts and providing finance for poor countries.”

Others complained that the U.N. process lags woefully behind public momentum for ambitious climate policy. “There is still a vast and growing gulf between the approach of some climate negotiators and the public demand for action,” said Winnie Byanyima, executive director of Oxfam International.

So what did we get?

At about 1:30 a.m. Lima time on Sunday, after the gavel’s final thud, a standing ovation ripped through the main plenary tent. What was everyone cheering about? That it was over, mostly. More than 33 hours after the conference was supposed to end, and after many sleepless nights, all the negotiating blocs had grudgingly agreed to the so-called “Lima Call for Climate Action.”

Optimists and U.S. negotiators will say that the Lima deal lays the groundwork for a big agreement to be reached in Paris. They’ll point to the fact that, for the first time, all 196 member nations of the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change have agreed to cut their rate of greenhouse gas emissions.

But they haven’t agreed on how much they’ll cut. Or by when. Or how they plan on doing it. They haven’t even agreed to actually cut emissions, just the rate of emissions. Someday. They promise.

Nations are invited (not compelled) to put forward these promises “well in advance” of the Paris meetings next December. Developed nations are invited to do so by the end of March. Pretty please.

No official means of review were agreed upon, nor exactly what the countries need to include in their pledges. The U.S. will offer a reduction target and baseline year — a 17 percent emissions cut below 2005 levels by 2020. China will offer a reduction in its carbon intensity, or the greenhouse gases emitted per unit of GDP.

Governments are basically making up their own homework assignments for Paris, and then grading them too.

Leaders or bullies?

The United States and China have long traded jabs in the U.N. climate arena, and each have taken heavy blows from other countries over the years for consistently laying down roadblocks to progress. This year, because of the legacy-building milestone joint announcement by Presidents Obama and Xi in November, the two largest polluters in the world arrived at the talks with the air of leaders. Unprecedented.

But that didn’t last. Word from the sleep-deprived plenary halls this weekend has it that the U.S. and China’s fingerprints were all over the thin agreement that finally emerged.

From the sounds of it, in closed-door meetings late at night, in the frenetic panic to produce something, the U.N. leadership worked with a handful of nations — lead by you know who — to come up with the slight draft that now underwhelms the world.

Offering tepid support for one of the later, weaker drafts, top U.S. diplomat Todd Stern repeated an old favorite Obama White House line, imploring his fellow diplomats not to “let the perfect become the enemy of the good.” He acknowledged that the text was not ideal for any country, but said, “we have no time for lengthy negotiations and we all know that.”

The final couple of drafts had been stripped of all the most controversial items, leaving only the national pledges as a concrete demand — which is what the U.S. and European Union had wanted all along. Gone were the details of money for adaptation, of how nations would meet their pledges, of specific long-term ambitions or very near-term emissions reductions.

When the dramatically stripped-down version of the text surfaced on Friday, nations left out of the loop were displeased. Campaigners for a fair, ambitious deal were furious.

“By consulting with only the major powers like the USA and China and ignoring the African countries and other small developing nations, they have effectively redrawn the map of the world,” said Mohamed Adow of Christian Aid. “What’s so offensive is that it is the countries suffering the most from climate change who have been sidelined in a process which should be helping them.”

Agreeing to disagree … for now

The hard work is yet to come. Delegates punted a whole lot of tougher issues down the road to be fought over in Paris. The biggest hurdles:

  • Who’s gonna pay to help poor countries adapt and mitigate?Though it was widely celebrated that the U.N.’s Green Climate Fund had hit its $10 billion goal, it’s worth remembering that that was the lowest end of a target range.The Green Climate Fund, perhaps the only worthwhile thing to come out of the overhyped Copenhagen climate talks in 2009, is one of more than a dozen climate-financing vehicles that help turn rich nations’ pledges into loans, grants, and aid for poor nations’ climate needs, whether they be mitigation projects like wind farms or adaptation measures like seawalls. With the U.S. kicking in $3 billion, the fund made its minimum goal for 2014.But the Lima talks provided no clarity for how the funds will ramp up to the $100 billion per year that has been promised by 2020. And even that level of funding would be insufficient, according to a new report by the U.N. Environment Program; it suggests that at least $200 billion to $500 billion a year will be needed to help developing countries adapt to climate change.

    “We came to Lima hoping that these negotiations would finally deliver what’s needed to help poor people adapt to the effects of climate change. These hopes were in vain,” said Harjeet Singh of ActionAid International. “Poorer countries need financial support to help their people survive a crisis they did not cause. Unless rich countries commit to providing money for the long-term, the talks can’t head in the right direction.”

    Wait until they hear that congressional Republicans just attached a rider to a federal budget bill that prohibits America from actually following through on its $3 billion pledge.

  • And what about payment for loss and damage? Say you’re from an island nation like Tuvalu. Your country is literally being lost to rising seas. No amount of adaptation is going to save you in the long run. You’d probably think that you are entitled to compensation for the property loss that results from a problem you had no part in causing.“‘Loss and damage’ begins where adaptation fails,” says Singh, going on to explain that the poorest, most vulnerable countries introduced the concept a few years ago, and are absolutely drawing a line in the sand over it.Rich nations have tried to bundle loss-and-damage funds with adaptation — an idea Singh calls “nonsense.”

    Developing nations insist on a new framework within the U.N.’s climate body to deal with loss and damage directly. That the phrase “loss and damage” has made it into the text is a victory for vulnerable countries. But so far, there’s no agreement on how any real-world losses would be measured, addressed, or compensated.

  • Will the Paris agreement be an actual treaty? Since Copenhagen, it’s been hotly debated whether or not a climate deal would be an official “treaty,” with some devices that make it legally binding in the international community. As the talks opened up, U.S. negotiator Stern made the “counterintuitive” (his term!) argument that a non-binding agreement was the only way to ensure that nations had binding climate plans at home.It’s no secret why the U.S. is pushing for something short of a treaty: A full-fledged treaty would have to be submitted to the U.S. Senate for ratification, and the Senate — soon to be controlled by Republicans — would never approve it. But Stern tried to give the situation a nicer spin.”You could assign every country a particular reduction that on paper looks like a perfect result and then you can’t get agreement on it,” Stern argued. “This is a way to get everyone in. It’s not going to be perfect, but it’s a strong start that would get better and better.”

    While vulnerable nations and climate-justice activists have been fighting against a “soft” or non-binding agreement since the idea was first broached, they’ve had little success in pushing for a treaty with teeth.

The zero that got away

For a minute there, it seemed as if the Lima agreement would include a target of zero greenhouse gas emissions or a fossil fuel phaseout, possibly by 2050. There it was, sitting in the text, pleading for “net emission levels near zero gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent or below.”

That didn’t make it into the final deal. But, fleeting as it was, it was still a remarkable first for a staid and slow-to-react body. “By putting a zero-emissions target on the table, Lima has thrown a lifeline to the world,” said Iain Keith, a campaign director for Avaaz.

Martin Kaiser of Greenpeace said that the total phaseout of carbon emissions by mid-century is already supported by 50 countries, and Jamie Henn of 350.org added that nearly 100 countries support zero emissions by 2100. “If all countries agree to a carbon-free future in Paris,” said Kaiser, “it can catalyze a rapid transition away from dirty energy. A goal to phase out fossil fuels can provide a sure bet for investors to know where to put their money.”

The pathway to Paris

While governments were able to duck and cover in Lima, they won’t have that luxury in Paris, where the world will be closely tuned in and expecting an agreement.

What happens between now and the start of the talks in Paris in early December 2015? First, a February meeting in Geneva, where delegates hope to clarify what exactly nations will have to report with their pledges. Rich, developed countries are supposed to have those pledges in by the end of March, when they’ll be published on a U.N. website. There will be another meeting in Bonn, Germany, in June, and then one or two more sessions in the summer and fall before Paris.

But experts say what matters most is that countries make their pledges soon, and make them clear. “What’s most important now is for other countries to declare their contributions to the Paris agreement,” said Elliot Diringer of the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions. “As long as others follow the lead of the U.S., China, and the European Union, we should have a decent shot at a meaningful global deal.”

Will that Paris deal be anywhere near as strong as climate campaigners hope? The outcome at Lima is not encouraging.


(GRIST)


"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
12/16/2014 10:29:29 AM



Fossil fuel companies grow nervous as divestment movement grows stronger



LIMA, Peru — Though fossil fuel companies may wave their hands dismissively at the divestment movement, some nervous actions of late show more concern than they let on. Consider this curious incident here in Lima, as the United Nations climate talks entered their second week. Shell’s chief climate change advisor was slated to present a panel, cosponsored by Chevron, entitled, “Why Divest from Fossil Fuels When a Future with Low-Emission Fossil Energy Use Is Already a Reality?” Except … they didn’t. Late last week, the title was quietly changed to the more innocuous, “How Can We Reconcile Climate Targets with Energy Demand Growth?”

It must have been done in a hurry because they forgot to change the web address for the event page.

How can we reconcile climate targets with energy demand growth?

The title change did nothing to placate the frontline community members and youth climate activists who flooded the event. Panelists found themselves blocked out for half an hour from the private pavilion of the International Emissions Trading Association, which is sponsored by the likes of Shell and Chevron.

Shell protest
Geoffrey Supran

Shell’s sponsorship of the divestment event-that-wasn’t earned the company a specially created Sly Sludge Award, presented by the Climate Action Network, an affiliation of hundreds of environmental NGOs.

As Shell’s misstep reveals, divestment has got the industry’s attention, and understandably so. The global movement calling on universities, religious institutions, cities, and states to stop investing in the fossil fuel industry is growing faster than any other in history, now spanning 697 campaigns worldwide. Stanford University, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, 34 cities, and the World Council of Churches — representing over half a billion members — are among the 700 investors worth more than $50 billion who have already committed to going fossil-free. Norway is also considering divesting the country’s $840 billion sovereign wealth fund. Even the current negotiating text of the U.N. climate agreement includes a call for divestment.

The power of divestment stems not only from the act itself, but from the movement it catalyses: galvanizing a sense of generational mission in young people unyielding in their demand for an end to business-as-usual leadership. When electric utility giant NRG announced its goal of 90 percent emissions reductions by 2050 last month, the company’s chief executive, David Crane, said of divestment, “I don’t relish the idea that year after year we’re going to be graduating a couple million kids from college … with a distaste or disdain for companies like mine.”

Shell’s fumble is just the latest defense against divestment. Australian National University’s divestment announcement was met by the threat of legal action, while Sydney University’s announcement to review its investment policies led NSW Minerals Council head Stephen Galilee to go so far as to suggest that the divestment campaign might be illegal. Even ExxonMobil weighed in twice this fall, its vice president of public and government affairs, Ken Cohen, blogging that the divestment movement is “simply … out of step with reality” and “a divisive and counterproductive diversion from the search for genuine solutions.” Divestment packs a punch even at the highest levels, as is made by clear by Australian Prime Minister and coal champion Tony Abbott’s denunciation of ANU’s decision as “stupid”.

As the old adage goes, if you’re taking flak, you’re over the target.

It’s not only the divestment campaign that is tightening the screws. Government subsidies for the fossil fuel industry are also under scrutiny in Lima. Last Saturday, a new report by nonprofit Oil Change International revealed that the widely celebrated $10 billion in climate aid pledged by the world’s richest nations is a mere third of that spent subsidising fossil fuel extraction each year. “Phasing down of high carbon investments and fossil fuel subsidies” is among the measures currently under consideration by negotiators in Lima for a legally binding climate agreement in Paris next year. Last week, the Bank of England announced that it is investigating whether fossil fuel companies pose a systemic risk to financial stability.

There’s also the small matter of science. For a reasonable chance of avoiding the“severe, pervasive, and irreversible impacts” of climate change, two-thirds of proven fossil fuel reserves must never be burned. Indeed, with the U.N.’s current negotiating text going as far as to propose “full decarbonization by 2050,” ExxonMobil and Shell may cease to exist in their current forms in 35 years. Former BP boss Lord John Browne has warned that climate change poses an “existential threat” to the industry.

Under pressure from all sides, the fossil fuel lobby’s self-described “win ugly or lose pretty” tactics — based on the playbook perfected by Big Tobacco and othermerchants of doubt — are in full swing. The industry confidently misinforms our public and politicians about silver bullet “false solutions” like natural gas andcarbon capture and storage, in an effort to distract us from the reality that political and societal will — and not technology — are now the bottleneck to meaningful climate action. Thirty fossil fuel companies and trade associations, including BP America, Chevron, Duke Energy, ExxonMobil, Koch Industries, Peabody Energy, and Shell, continue to fund the anti-science disinformation factory that is the American Legislative Exchange Council. Hundreds of millions of dollars spent every year lobbying and donating in Washington against legislation for climate action further strangle the bottleneck.

Divestment loosens the fossil fuel industry’s grip, which is exactly why they are so afraid of it. Divestment seeks not to financially bankrupt these companies, but to morally bankrupt their business-as-usual practices and undermine the false legitimacy implied by their associations with universities, the U.N., and other respected bodies. Divestment shifts political reality to create breathing room for meaningful leadership and legislation. In the words of Climate Action Network Director Wael Hmaidan, “If politics is the art of the possible, campaigning is about changing what is possible.”

Join us on Feb. 13, when divestment advocates around the world will celebrate the first ever Global Divestment Day.

(GRIST)

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
12/16/2014 10:38:30 AM



Frackers can now frack faster on some public lands



As Congress moves to wrap up its year, a lot of important, must-pass legislation is moving quickly through the chambers. That creates the opportunity for politicians to sneak their pet projects into massive bills that most members don’t want to hold up or oppose. This year, that’s meant bad news for the environment — first in thefederal budget (aka the Cromnibus bill) and now in the Defense Authorization Act of 2015.

The defense bill — which Congress passed last week and President Obama will soon sign — is full of this kind of pork. Over at DeSmogBlog, Steve Horn digs into how a seemingly non-defense-related plan to expedite fracking on public lands ended up squirreled away inside the 1,616-page legislation.

Buried on page 1,156 of the bill as Section 3021 and subtitled “Bureau of Land Management Permit Processing,” the bill’s passage has won praise from both the American Petroleum Institute (API) and the Independent Petroleum Association of America (IPAA)

Streamlined permitting means faster turn-around times for the industry’s application process to drill on public lands, bringing with it all of the air,groundwater and climate change issues that encompass the shale production process.

All that needed to happen to clear the way for this faster permitting was a small tweak to how some already-passed legislation was worded. Congress had already enacted a “pilot” program for permitting fracking on public land in the Bakken Shale region; with a few quick word changes in the Defense Authorization Act, that “pilot” program was expanded to all areas that the Bureau of Land Management oversees nationwide.

(Wisconsin Rep. Mark Pocan (D) submitted a bill last week to ban fracking from all federal lands, but in a Congress soon to be controlled by frack-happy Republicans, it doesn’t stand a chance.)

The defense bill contains other unpleasant anti-environmental provisions too. For instance: Michael McAuliff writes at The Huffington Post that Arizona Sens. Jeff Flake (R) and John McCain (R) succeeded in adding approval for a foreign-owned copper mine in their state that would not only be on public land but also stands to destroy a Native American burial ground.


(GRIST)


"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
12/16/2014 3:19:26 PM

Pakistani officials say siege at school over

Associated Press

Reuters Videos
Death toll rising in Taliban attack on school


PESHAWAR, Pakistan (AP) — Pakistani officials say the siege at a Pakistani school is over, and authorities are sweeping the area.

Three Pakistani officials say the operation to clear the Peshawar military-run school has ended.

They all spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.

At least 126 people, most of them children, died when Taliban gunmen attacked the school in the morning.








































































Taliban gunmen storm an army-run school in the northwestern city of Peshawar, killing scores of students.
Worst violence in years



"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
12/16/2014 3:44:40 PM

Russia to Retaliate Against the US Over Sanctions, Troops and Warheads Ready

By Precious Silva | December 15, 2014 2:35 PM EST


(Photo: REUTERS/Michael Klimentyev/RIA / )
Russia's President Vladimir Putin (C) chairs a meeting with permanent members of the Security Council at the Kremlin in Moscow, December 12, 2014. REUTERS/Michael Klimentyev/RIA Novosti/Kremlin

In its bid to impose more sanctions on Russia for its actions concerning Ukraine, the USCongress approved unanimously a new set of provisions over the country. Russia warned the West previously that if it pushes through with the bill then it will retaliate accordingly. There are now concerns about Russia's next move.

The sanctions cover lethal weapons and similar aid for Kiev. The passing of the bill goes against President Barrack Obama's stand. Previously, the president clarified that he does not want to push for additional sanctions unless the rest of Europe is on board with it.

According to Yahoo News, identical documents on the Ukraine Freedom Support Act were passed to the House of Representatives and Senate last December 11. However, due to some technical issues, the document needed to be returned to the Senate. The bill gained unanimous consent before the session was adjourned last Saturday. The decision now falls on Obama on whether he will veto or sign the measure. TheWhite House did note that the office is reviewing it already.

The Russian administration was not happy with the move respondinly angrily. According to deputy foreign minister Sergei Ryabkov (via Interfax): "Undoubtedly, we will not be able to leave this without a response."

Ryabkov accused "anti-Russian moods" in the US regarding the bill. The bill specifically aims on keeping Russia at bay including sanctions for the delivery of around $350 million (280 million euros') worth of military hardware to Ukraine.

NATO appears to be on the side of Western politicials as it declared plans on being more aggressive in response to the rising Russian aggression. NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Europe, Gen. Philip Breedlove, told NBC News: "For the past 19 years, we have been trying to treat Russia as a partner, trying to bring the nations of Europe back together and now what we see is a very different kind of scenario."

To contact the editor, e-mail: editor@ibtimes.com



"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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