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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
10/12/2016 11:07:52 AM

US Destruction Of Syria Will Take UN With It

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
10/12/2016 2:41:47 PM
Camcorder

Creepy 'new girlfriend' video probed as lead in 7-yo missing teen case

© Altered Dimensions/YouTube
Police are investigating a possible lead relating to a 2009 missing person case after a disturbing video featuring a screaming tied up teenager introduced as the author's "new girlfriend" went viral seven years after it was first posted on YouTube.

The video was originally posted in 2009, but has only recently gained popularity and many believe it is connected to missing Wisconsin teenager Kayla Berg. Titled "Hi Walter! I got a new GF!" the video was uploaded in October 2009, two months after Berg disappeared.

In it, a man talks about his new girlfriend before leading the camera to a basement bathroom. "I know she hates cameras, Walter, but I'm going to show you her anyway. You ready?" he asks, before opening the door to reveal a girl tied up on the floor, screaming.

The Antigo Police Department is taking the video seriously. "We'll do whatever we can to find out who's in there and identify them," Antigo Police Chief Eric Roller said "Sometimes that's hard on the web because of wherever this stuff may originate from [but] we're going to do everything we can to get to the bottom of it."

"The Antigo Police Department is actively investigating the origin of this video. If anyone has particular information as to the origin of the video or the identity of the individuals in the video please contact the Antigo Police Department," its Facebook page said.

Berg's mother Hope Sprenger recently watched the video. "It sounded like her, looked like her, it gave me chills," she told WAOW-TV. "Disturbing. It made me sick to my stomach."

"The clothing could be a big possibility," she said. "We do believe she was wearing that type of shirt, we know she had jeans."

Berg went missing on August 11, 2009 in Antigo, Wisconsin after being dropped at her boyfriend's house by a friend of her brother. The house was in Wausau, 34 miles away and had recently been condemned. No one was living there. Investigators were unable to find any sign of Berg, and her friends were reportedly uncooperative.

Some social media users believe the Walter reference could be the serial killer Walter E. Ellis, who had been caught on September 7 of that year, before the video was posted. Meanwhile a number of others debunked the video as a fake.

"As you start looking at it more," Spergner said. "You're seeing, okay, well this was posted seven years ago, two months after her disappearance date. For me that's a red flag."

"For me that's my daughter, but I don't know if it's real or fake," she added.

Police visited a home in Marathon County on Monday in an attempt to track down someone they believe could be connected to the video, WSAW reports, but no one was home.
(sott.net)

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
10/12/2016 6:03:20 PM
For the ‘children of ISIS,’ target practice starts at age 6. By their teens, they’re ready to be suicide bombers.
Young people within the caliphate are being trained to fight. They are isolated from their parents, taught to shoot rifles and throw grenades, and encouraged to volunteer as suicide bombers, a role extolled by their instructors as the highest calling for any pious Muslim youth. (McKenna Ewen/The Washington Post)

The interview had gone on for nearly an hour when Taim, a slim, dark-eyed boy, started to fidget. The 8-year-old asked for paper and settled back in an oversize hotel chair to draw a memory.

His picture, in a child’s bold scrawl, was a scene from the small park near his house, a place where he used to play in the days before the bearded men with guns took over the city. A crowd in the park had gathered around two figures, and Taim remembered them vividly: A man with one eye, and a bald man who seemed upset about something.

“He was looking very angry,” Taim said, narrating his drawing of the bald man. “He is holding the other man and he is also holding something in his right hand.

“The other man has no eye — they had already taken his eye, you see?” he said, pointing to the second figure. “And then the other men stood behind him, and the head of the man with one eye just fell.”

The boy’s slender finger touched the page to show the severed head he had drawn.

“His head just fell,” Taim repeated.

The boy closed his eyes, as if to make the image go away.

“No,” he said finally. “I don’t want to remember it.”

During the two years since the founding of the self-declared caliphate in Iraq and Syria, an estimated 6 million people have lived under the rule of the Islamic State. At least a third of them — about 2 million souls — are younger than 15.

These are, in a real sense, children of the caliphate. Collectively, say experts who have studied them, they are a profoundly traumatized population: impressionable young brains exposed not only to the ravages of war but also to countless acts of unspeakable cruelty, from public floggings and amputations to executions — the crucifixions and beheadings that have contributed to the Islamic State’s global notoriety.

The Washington Post interviewed five boys whose families escaped from Islamic State territory, including Taim, a Syrian refugee interviewed near his temporary home in Europe. The location of the refu­gee facility is being withheld by The Post at the family’s request. The newspaper also reviewed videos, reports and transcripts containing the stories of dozens of other boys and girls whose experiences are broadly similar to those interviewed.

Some, such as Taim, also ended up in the terrorist group’s schools and training camps, where they were force-fed a diet of Islamic State ideology and gory videos. Isolated from their families, they were taught to shoot rifles and throw grenades, and were encouraged to volunteer as suicide bombers, a role extolled by their instructors as the highest calling for any pious Muslim youth. Several described being made to witness — and even participate in — the executions of prisoners.

Aid workers who interact regularly with such youths describe deep psychological wounds that may be among the Islamic State’s most enduring legacies, setting the stage for new cycles of violence and extremism many years after the caliphate itself is wiped away. But relief organizations are straining to offer even limited counseling to children in the region’s overflowing refugee camps, and officials said even fewer resources are available for those living in shattered Iraqi and Syrian towns that were recently liberated from terrorist rule.

“Everyone has been traumatized,” said Chris Seiple, president emeritus of the Institute for Global Engagement, a charity that works with families fleeing the Islamic State. In counseling sessions set up by his organization in northern Iraq, he said, “you can watch how these kids try to begin working through this stuff,” sometimes with words but often in drawings that seem to conjure up the same recurring nightmare.

“We see kids drawing pictures of watching ISIS chopping off heads,” said Seiple, using a common acronym for the Islamic State. “What do you do with that, besides weep?”

Boys into warriors

Taim was 6 when the militants with their black flags rolled into Raqqa, a city in north-central Syria. The streets of the Islamic State’s future capital had already witnessed sporadic battles between rival factions since the start of country’s civil war in late 2011. Now, with the terrorists in charge, the fighting would ease, but the bloodshed would grow steadily worse.

Taim, among the youths interviewed, was exposed to an unusually wide range of experiences during the nearly two years his family lived in the caliphate, from attending a school supervised by Islamic State instructors to undergoing military training in a camp intended to turn young boys into warriors and suicide bombers. In other respects, his story is strikingly similar to that of the four other boys, all of whom described harsh conditions and the brutal treatment of ordinary citizens, including family members. The Post agreed not to identify the boys, or photograph them, to protect their privacy and prevent possible retaliation by Islamic State supporters. Taim’s family name was withheld at his parents’ request.

Bright and alert with a shy smile, Taim turns wistful when asked about his memories of the early weeks after the jihadists took control. Before the Islamic State, daily life revolved around family, play time and his local school, which he adored. “I loved school,” he said with a grin, listing math, art and sports as favorite subjects.

Initially, the town’s new occupiers closed his school, turning the building into a military base, Taim’s family members said. When students were finally allowed to return months later, the fighters were still there, a physical presence in the classroom. They gave out trinkets and prizes and personally oversaw the introduction of a new curriculum, developed and approved by the Islamic State.

“They would give us toys at the beginning,” he said, “but when the lessons began, they were very serious. They would mainly teach us about Islam.”

Taim remembered how his new teachers gave special emphasis to a particular story from the life of the prophet Muhammad. In it, Islam’s founder punishes a group of camel thieves by plucking out their eyes and chopping off their limbs. For Raqqa youths, the lesson about harsh justice appeared to serve as both a warning and a justification for the cruel punishments the militants were beginning to inflict on the city’s residents for violations ranging from suspecting spying to smoking cigarettes.

Over time, the Islamic State replaced traditional classroom textbooks with new ones, written and published by the terrorists themselves. Many of the books have been collected and studied over the past two years by Western analysts, who describe the group’s educational literature as thinly disguised propaganda.

For very young children, lessons on arithmetic and handwriting are illustrated with pictures of guns, grenades and tanks. For older pupils, books on science and history glorify martyrdom and portray the creation of the Islamic State as humanity’s crowning achievement.

A page from an Islamic State textbook on physical preparedness shows images of weapons and instructions for assembling and firing from different positions. (Obtained by The Washington Post)
Images from an Islamic State alphabet workbook. (Obtained by The Washington Post)

Jacob Olidort, an expert on Islamic militant literature who hasanalyzed dozens of such texts, said the literature is a serious and systematic attempt at shaping young minds, with the aim of producing not just believers but fighters.

“What we learn is that education is not only part of their arsenal, but an entire theater of conflict,” said Olidort, a scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “They’re trying to create a jihadi generation. It’s not just believing the right creed, but being able to fight. It’s about convincing young people that only their perspective on the world is right and everyone else’s is wrong.”

For Taim, some of the most memorable lessons were not contained in books. Often, he recalled, the Islamic State’s teachers admonished the children to act as informants, promptly reporting any behavior by their parents that violated religious laws or suggested opposition to the group’s rule.

One day, he said, the teachers marched the class into a nearby park and made the children stand around an open pit — a future grave, one of the instructors said, for any child who failed to speak up if his parents were resisting or hiding from the Islamic State.

“If we did not tell them,” he said, “they would throw us into the hole.”

‘Cub of the caliphate’

Even under the rule of terrorists, Taim’s parents sought to preserve a few fragments of a normal life for the young family. His mother donned the heavy abaya robe and double veil whenever she ventured outside to shop, and the family’s daily rhythm adjusted to accommodate the Islamic State’s strictures on participation in daily prayers.

But privately, the parents worried that life under the regime was profoundly affecting their oldest son. A walk to the nearby al-Rasheed Park — a favorite playground before the civil war — entailed a risk of encountering decapitated corpses, part of a grisly display that followed the near-daily executions in Raqqa’s main square. The boy personally witnessed several beheadings, and years later he could describe vividly how the bearded executioner would hold the victim’s head with one hand while using the other to slice and hack.

“There was a lot of blood. A loooootttt of blood,” Taim said, drawing out the word.

But a bigger jolt came on the day that Taim burst into the house and began packing his belongings, announcing that he had been selected for a special training camp for boys. The parents had heard about the place, a kind of boot camp for preteens where children received intensive instruction in weaponry, combat skills and Islamic State ideology.

Taim insisted that “it was his will” to leave home to enroll in the camp, and he accused his parents of neglecting his religious education, his mother said. She knew the futility of opposing the Islamic State’s wish for her son, yet she tried to talk him out of going. Stay, she told her son, and the family would go to mosque more frequently.

“I said, ‘Come home and pray! You can pray at home!’ ” she recalled. “He said, ‘May Allah deprive you, as you deprived me.’ ”

The camp in which Taim eventually enrolled was one of dozens established throughout the caliphate to train boys as young as 6. Some are named after the organization’s leaders and heroes, including Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the Jordanian who founded the Iraqi terrorist group that would later call itself the Islamic State.

All are prominently featured in the jihadists’ online propaganda, which includes video footage of young boys in camouflage uniforms firing weapons, assisting in executions and training for suicide missions.

“The Islamic State seduces young boys into their training camps and puts so many resources into training them for absolute loyalty and obedience,” said Anne Speckhard, an expert in violent extremism and an adjunct associate professor of psychiatry at Georgetown University Medical Center. For the Islamic State, she said, the camps are most effective as a production line for suicide bombers, “because children are the easiest of any of their cadres to totally manipulate.”

Speckhard interviewed graduates of such camps as part of a project for the Washington-based International Center for the Study of Violent Extremism, which collected the stories of Islamic State veterans in video archives and in a published volume called “ISIS Defectors: Inside Stories of the Terrorist Caliphate.” In one of the videotaped interviews, a 15-year-old Syrian describes how boys at his camp would compete for a chance to become a “button” — a suicide bomber.

“They teach him about the car, how it’s rigged up, and you go near it to see that you push the button and it will explode,” said Ibn Omar, who was 13 when he joined an Islamic State youth camp in Syria. “They tell them to blow themselves up among the unbelievers — the infidels. The guy who taught us religion taught this. He taught us, ‘When you get to that car and push the button you will go to Paradise.’ ”

Taim, just 6 at the time of his induction as a “cub of the caliphate,” was too young, even for such a simple-minded mission. For him, camp was a mix of fun activities — sports, contests and target practice — with a heavy dollop of religious indoctrination. Many of his school friends trained alongside him, together with foreigners: teens and boys from faraway places such as Egypt, Pakistan and Uzbekistan.

“They said only special boys would get there: the best ones. And they would strengthen our belief,” he said. “They wanted to teach us more about religious rules, sports and how to become a mujahid,” or holy warrior.

Between lessons, he said, the instructors showed videos, hour after hour of violent images, all of them starring Daesh — a common Arabic acronym for the Islamic State — and all striking precisely the same theme.

“They would show how Daesh was fighting and beheading all those who were against the caliphate,” Taim said.

Escape from Raqqa

Back in Raqqa, the pressure to flee the caliphate grew stronger. The city’s new leaders began harassing Taim’s father, suspicious that he might have once fought for a rival militia group. The parents began to worry that Taim would be taken from them permanently.

The family gathered what money they had. One day, when Taim was home, they slipped out of Raqqa, paying bribes at checkpoints and border crossings and then joining the torrent of refugees heading from Turkey to Northern Europe. Eventually, they landed in a refu­gee camp, where they would begin to seek a new life for Taim far outside the reach of the Islamic State.

In the caliphate, the boundaries of the self-declared Islamic State are contracting against the steady advance of a U.S.-led military coalition, which has overrun key cities and killed many of the group’s most prominent leaders. Yet, the youth camps still remain — a testament to their enormous value at a time when the terrorist group is fighting for its survival. An Islamic State operative, who agreed to be interviewed by The Post over the Internet, described the camps and their young graduates as vital to the organization’s future.

“They are our fighters and leaders of tomorrow, and they will be strong and not fearing to die,” said the operative, who would speak only on the condition of anonymity. “In the future you will not only fear our men. You must fear our children, too.”

The Syrian boy who escaped the caliphate’s fearsome embrace appears for now to be adjusting. Taim beams when he talks about his new school, and his quick grasp of the local language betrays both an intelligence and a yearning for acceptance in his family’s adopted homeland. He is a charmer, playfully asking a visiting journalist about her age after she asks about his.

“Don’t worry, I know women like to make themselves younger than they seem,” he said. Giggling, he elaborated on the source of his knowledge: “This one guy from Daesh said I should learn this lesson about women so I won’t get in trouble with my future wife.”

Yet, even in peaceful, prosperous Northern Europe, the Islamic State at times seems terrifyingly close. Taim’s mother described occasional fits of hysteria in which the boy screams uncontrollably. He chatters at length about his experiences in the training camp, only to abruptly shut down. “I don’t like to remember what happened there,” he said.

Taim’s mother said that she is seeking counseling for her son while trying to keep his mind occupied on school and sports. But there are times, she said, when Taim is overcome with dread, convinced that the Islamic State will never relinquish its hold on him.

During such spells, the mother said, the 8-year-old becomes quietly forlorn, as though resigning himself to a dreary fate that he cannot escape.

“I belong to the Daesh people now,” he said.


(The Washington Post)


"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
10/13/2016 12:45:14 AM

Hillary In WikiLeaks Leaked Email: US Allies Are Supporting ISIS

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
10/13/2016 1:13:26 AM

THE FIVE LIES OF GLOBAL CAPITALISM

How power is channeled to owners of property (financial, physical and intellectual) at the expense of everyone else.

BY ON 10/11/16 AT 4:07 PM

This is an edited extract of The Corruption of Capitalism: Why Rentiers Thrive and Work Does Not Pay by Guy Standing (Biteback, 2016).

Today we have the most unfree market system ever created. It is a corruption much deeper than corruption by individuals or companies; it is the uncharted corruption of an ideal, of free markets, as economies are being rigged to favor owners of assets—the ‘rentiers’—while depressing incomes from labor.and features.

Politicians and financiers and bureaucrats have subverted the claims made on behalf of capitalism in the construction of a system that is radically different. They assert a belief in ‘free markets’ and want us to believe that economic policies are extending them. That is untrue.

How can politicians look into TV cameras and say we have a free market system when patents guarantee monopoly incomes for twenty years, preventing anyone from competing? How can they claim there are free markets when copyright rules give a guaranteed income for seventy years after a person’s death? How can they claim free markets exist when one person or company is given a subsidy and not others‚—or when they sell off the commons that belong to all of us, at a discount, to a favoured individual or company? Or when Uber, TaskRabbit and their ilk act as unregulated labor brokers, profiting from the labor of others?

Far from trying to stop these negations of free markets, governments are creating rules that allow and encourage them…

The 20th-century income distribution system has irretrievably broken down. Since the 1980s, the share of income going to labor has shrunk, globally and in most countries of economic significance. Real wages on average have stagnated or fallen. Today, a tiny minority of people and corporate interests across the world are accumulating vast wealth and power, not from ‘hard work’ or from productive activity, but from rental income.

‘Rentiers’ derive income from ownership, possession or control of assets that are scarce or artificially made scarce. Most familiar is rental income from land, property, mineral exploitation or financial investments, but other sources have grown too. They include the income lenders make from debt interest; income from ownership of ‘intellectual property’ (such as patents, copyright, brands and trademarks); capital gains on investments; ‘above normal’ company profits (when a firm has a dominant market position that allows it to charge high prices or dictate terms); income from government subsidies; and income of financial and other intermediaries derived from third-party transactions.

John Maynard Keynes, the most influential economist of the mid-twentieth century, famously dismissed the rentier as “the functionless investor” who gained income solely from ownership of capital, exploiting its “scarcity value.” He concluded in his epochal General Theory that, as capitalism spread, “it would mean the euthanasia of the rentier, and, consequently, the euthanasia of the cumulative oppressive power of the capitalist to exploit the scarcity-value of capital.”

Eighty years on, the rentier is anything but dead; rentiers have become the main beneficiaries of capitalism’s emerging income distribution system…

As neo-liberalism took shape in the 1980s, the concept of ‘competitiveness’ became almost an obsession. A country could only develop or grow fast if it were more competitive than others, which to a large extent meant having lower costs of production and greater profitability than competitors, as well as lower taxes on potential investors.

Classical political economy had focused on trade, driven by a theory of “comparative advantage”; countries should specialize in the goods and services that they were more efficient at producing relative to others. Suddenly, the message seemed to be that all countries had to be better at the same things.

The main economic game became finding ways to attract and retain foreign investment, to boost exports and to limit imports. This led to the political justification for cutting direct taxes, particularly on capital, and providing subsidies to investors. But corporations and financiers have used their new power to induce governments and supranational financial institutions to build an infrastructure that favors their interests.

They have constructed a global framework of institutions and regulations that enable elites to maximise their rental income. The claim that global capitalism is based on free markets is the first lie of rentier capitalism. Particularly since 1995, intellectual property has become a prime source of rental income, through market power created by the spread of trademarks (crucial for branding), copyright, design rights, geographical indications, trade secrets and, above all, patents. Knowledge and technology-intensive industries, which now account for over 30 per cent ofglobal output, are gaining as much or more in rental income from intellectual property rights as from the production of goods or services. This represents a political choice by governments around the world to grant monopolies over knowledge to private interests, allowing them to restrict public access to knowledge and to raise the price of obtaining it or of products and services embodying it.

The claim that intellectual property rights encourage and reward risk takers is the second lie of rentier capitalism. Many patented inventions are based on publicly subsidised research, in public institutions. It is the global public that pays, through taxes that finance the research, higher prices for patented products and, in the process, loss of the intellectual commons. Moreover, most innovations that yield large returns in rental income through patents and so on are actually the result of a series of ideas and experiments attributable to many individuals or groups. As Gar Alperovitz has said, Bill Gates made a pebble of a contribution to a Gibraltar of technological advances. There is no moral reason for him to receive the whole Gibraltar of reward for the endeavours of those who went before him. One could repeat this metaphor for many breakthroughs that have yielded a few individuals billions of dollars.

The third lie of rentier capitalism is that the institutional structure of global capitalism built in the globalization era is “good for growth.” It has actually hindered growth and made the growth that has occurred less sustainable, with rising ecological costs that are partly the outcome of rentier mechanisms put in place, notably through trade and investment accords. There is no evidence that investment accords promote foreign investment, their ostensible purpose. Most studies have found weak or non-existent correlations between investment treaties and investment flows, which have unsurprisingly gravitated towards the most promising markets such as China and Brazil. Nor is there much correlation between opening up to foreign investment and economic growth. Instead, the correlation is with financial instability.

A fourth lie of rentier capitalism is the claim that profits reflect managerial efficiency and returns to risk-taking. In reality, the increased profit share has gone mainly to those receiving rental income, much of it linked to financial assets. There has been no increase in managerial efficiency and no increased risks to investment.

The platform capitalism taking shape, exemplified by the likes of Uber and TaskRabbit, is not a “sharing economy.” But it is transforming the labor market, directly, by generating labor for millions of ‘taskers’, and indirectly, through its impact on traditional suppliers of invaded services.

The platforms maximise profits through ownership and control of the technological apparatus, protected by patents and other forms of intellectual property rights, and by the exploitation of labour, taking 20% or more of earnings. They are rentiers, earning a lot for doing little, if we accept their claim that they are just providing technology to put clients in touch with ‘independent contractors’ of services.

The systemic point is that incomes from labor and work are dropping for most people in and around the precariat, while rental income is mounting fast. And so we come to the fifth lie of rentier capitalism: the claim that work is the best route out of poverty. The army of taskers and the precariat in general stand testament to that lie.

Achieving Keynes’ euthanasia of the rentier will be a struggle but it is eminently feasible. It requires a new income distribution system, one element of which would be a basic income paid from a levy on rental income. Politics will grow uglier, unless rent seeking can be curbed and unless the desperate need for basic economic security for all is recognised and met. Without a new system, a dark age threatens.

Guy Standing will be in conversation with Naina Bajekal, executive editor of Newsweek Europe, on the Publishing Perspectives Stage at Frankfurt Book Fair on October 20.

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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