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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
1/31/2016 4:27:32 PM

Boko Haram burns kids alive in northeast Nigeria: witness

Associated Press

People walk past burnt out houses following an attack by Boko haram in Dalori village 5 kilometers (3 miles) from Maiduguri, Nigeria , Sunday Jan. 31, 2016. A survivor hidden in a tree says he watched Boko Haram extremists firebomb huts and listened to the screams of children among people burned to death in the latest attack by Nigeria’ s homegrown Islamic extremists. (AP Photo/Jossy Ola)


ABUJA, Nigeria (AP) — A survivor hidden in a tree says he watched Boko Haram extremists firebomb huts and heard the screams of children among people burned to death in the latest attack by Nigeria's homegrown Islamic extremists.

Scores of charred corpses and bodies with bullet wounds littered the streets from Saturday night's attack on Dalori village just 5 kilometers (3 miles) from Maiduguri, the birthplace of Boko Haram and the biggest city in the northeast, according to survivors and soldiers.

The shooting and burning continued for four hours, survivor Alamin Bakura said, weeping on a telephone call to The Associated Press. He said several of his family members were killed or wounded.

The violence continued as three female suicide bombers blew up among people who managed to flee to neighboring Gamori village, killing many people, according to a soldier at the scene who insisted on anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to journalists.

It was not known how many scores of people were killed because bodies still were being collected, including from the surrounding bushes where the insurgents hunted down fleeing villagers, according to Abba Shehu, a security guard helping collect corpses.

Boko Haram has taken to attacking soft targets, increasingly with suicide bombers, since the military last year drove them out of towns and villages in northeastern Nigeria.

The 6-year Islamic uprising has killed about 20,000 people and driven 2.5 million from their homes.

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
1/31/2016 11:15:37 PM

‘This was all planned’: Former IG says Hillary, State Dept. are lying




Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 2010Photo: Getty Images

The State Department is lying when it says it didn’t know until it was too late that Hillary Clinton was improperly using personal e-mails and a private server to conduct official business — because it never set up an agency e-mail address for her in the first place, the department’s former top watchdog says.

“This was all planned in advance” to skirt rules governing federal records management, said Howard J. Krongard, who served as the agency’s inspector general from 2005 to 2008.

The Harvard-educated lawyer points out that, from Day One, Clinton was never assigned and never used a state.gov e-mail address like previous secretaries.

“That’s a change in the standard. It tells me that this was premeditated. And this eliminates claims by the State Department that they were unaware of her private e-mail server until later,” Krongard said in an exclusive interview. “How else was she supposed to do business without e-mail?”

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He also points to the unusual absence of a permanent inspector general during Clinton’s entire 2009-2013 term at the department. He said the 5¹/₂-year vacancy was unprecedented.

“This is a major gap. In fact, it’s without precedent,” he said. “It’s the longest period any department has gone without an IG.”

Inspectors general serve an essential and unique role in the federal government by independently investigating agency waste, fraud and abuse. Their oversight also covers violations of communications security procedures.

“It’s clear she did not want to be subject to internal investigations,” Krongard said. An e-mail audit would have easily uncovered the secret information flowing from classified government networks to the private unprotected system she set up in her New York home.

He says “the key” to the FBI’s investigation of Emailgate is determining how highly sensitive state secrets in the classified network, known as SIPRNet, ended up in Clinton’s personal e-mails.

“The starting point of the investigation is the material going through SIPRNet. She couldn’t function without the information coming over SIPRNet,” Krongard said. “How did she get it on her home server? It can’t just jump from one system to the other. Someone had to move it, copy it. The question is who did that?”

As The Post first reported, the FBI is investigating whether Clinton’s deputies copied top-secret information from the department’s classified network to its unclassified network where it was sent to Hillary’s unsecured, unencrypted e-mail account.

‘It tells me that this was premeditated. And this eliminates claims by the State Department that they were unaware of her private e-mail server until later’

- Howard J. Krongard on the State Dept. never giving Hillary an agency e-mail address

FBI agents are focusing on three of Clinton’s top department aides. Most of the 1,340 Clinton e-mails deemed classified by intelligence agency reviewers were sent to her by her chief of staff, Cheryl Mills, or her deputy chiefs, Huma Abedin and Jake Sullivan, who now hold high positions in Clinton’s presidential campaign.

“They are facing significant scrutiny now,” Krongard said, and are under “enormous pressure to cooperate” with investigators.

He says staffers who had access to secret material more than likely summarized it for Clinton in the e-mails they sent to her; but he doesn’t rule out the use of thumb drives to transfer classified information from one system to the other, which would be a serious security breach. Some of the classified computers at Foggy Bottom have ports for memory sticks.

Either way, there would be an audit trail for investigators to follow. The SIPRNet system maintains the identity of all users and their log-on and log-off times, among other activities.

“This totally eliminates the false premise that she got nothing marked classified,” Krongard said. “She’s hiding behind this defense. But they [e-mails] had to be classified, because otherwise [the information in them] wouldn’t be on the SIPRNet.”

Added Krongard: “She’s trying to distance herself from the conversion from SIPRNet to [the nonsecure] NIPRNet and to her server, but she’s throwing her staffers under the bus.”

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Photo: EPA

Still, “It will never get to an indictment,” Krongard said.

For one, he says, any criminal referral to the Justice Department from the FBI “will have to go through four loyal Democrat women” — Assistant Attorney General Leslie Caldwell, who heads the department’s criminal division; Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates; Attorney General Loretta Lynch; and top White House adviser Valerie Jarrett.

Even if they accept the referral, he says, the case quickly and quietly will be plea-bargained down to misdemeanors punishable by fines in a deal similar to the one Clinton’s lawyer, David Kendall, secured for Gen. David Petraeus. In other words, a big slap on the wrist.

“He knows the drill,” Krongard said of Kendall.

Paul Sperry, a visiting media fellow at the Hoover Institution, is author of “Infiltration.”

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
2/1/2016 9:51:02 AM

Banks reach $154.3 million settlement on "dark pool" fraud

Associated Press

FILE - A July 29, 2015 file photo shows the sign on a branch of Barclays Bank in London. The Securities and Exchange Commission said Sunday, Jan. 31, 2016, that two major global banks, Barclays and Credit Suisse, will pay a combined $154.3 million to settle state and federal investigations that they misled clients about the safety of trading on their "dark pool" financial exchanges. (AP Photo/Kirsty Wigglesworth, File)


WASHINGTON (AP) — Two major global banks, Barclays and Credit Suisse, are paying a combined $154.3 million to settle government investigations that they misled clients about being able to safely trade on their "dark pool" financial exchanges, the Securities and Exchange Commission and the New York Attorney General's office said Sunday.

The banks left their customers on these private exchanges vulnerable to "predatory, high-frequency traders" that could intercept and profit off their financial transactions, despite assurances by Barclays and Credit Suisse to the contrary, according to a statement the New York Attorney General.

"These cases mark the first major victory in the fight to combat fraud in dark pool trading," said New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman in the statement. "We will continue to take the fight to those who aim to rig the system and those who look the other way."

Zurich-based Credit Suisse, a major firm on Wall Street, said it was "pleased to have resolved these matters."

London-based Barclays, which has extensive operations in the United States, said "the agreement will enable us to focus all of our efforts on serving our clients."

The SEC and New York Attorney General had planned to announce the joint settlement Monday before it was reported by The Wall Street Journal Sunday morning.

Dark pools are private exchanges for trading stocks and bonds. Unlike traditional markets with public prices, trades on dark pools are generally confidential, a benefit for companies engaging in large transactions.

The investigations — as well as books including Michael Lewis' best-seller "Flash Boys: A Wall Street Revolt" — found that high-speed traders could get early access to dark pool trades and gain an unfair advantage.

"Dark pools have a significant role in today's equity marketplace, and the firms that run these venues must ensure that they do not make misstatements to subscribers about their material operations," said Andrew Ceresney, director of the SEC's enforcement division.

As part of the settlement, the statement says that the London-based Barclays admitted that it misled investors and violated securities laws.

Barclays, which has extensive operations in the United States, will pay $70 million in penalties to be split evenly between the SEC and New York state, according to the federal and state regulators.

The New York Attorney General's office said its investigation found that Credit Suisse misrepresented the protections offered to clients on its dark pools. The bank will pay a $60 million penalty with half going to New York and the other half to the SEC, which will collect an additional $24.3 million related to other violations.

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
2/1/2016 10:05:33 AM
Small group of Chicago police costs city millions in settlements

Officers Sean Campbell and Steven Sautkus were patrolling their quiet beat on Chicago's Southwest Side in April 2014 when they saw the driver turn without flashing his signal early enough.

They stopped Jonathan Guzman, then 18, ordered him out of his car and cuffed him while they searched his Chevy Malibu. They were so thorough, Guzman alleged, that they used a drill to dismantle the sound system in the trunk. In the end, the officers found only a marijuana cigarette butt, worth $5. They charged Guzman with misdemeanor drug possession, wrote three traffic citations and impounded his Chevy.

It wasn't his first encounter with Campbell or Sautkus, Guzman alleges. The two officers and several colleagues in the quiet Garfield Ridge neighborhood where Guzman lives had stopped him numerous times in recent years, he said, for minor traffic infractions or as he hung out in the community of tidy lawns, squat brick cottages and city workers.

The stops occurred so often that Guzman filed a lawsuit in 2014 alleging ongoing, racially charged harassment by the officers. The case was settled last year for $35,000.

Although the settlement was small compared with multimillion-dollar sums the city sometimes pays, a Tribune investigation found that it nonetheless represents a pernicious, stubborn problem: that of officers whose alleged misconduct, while perhaps minor, leads to legal settlements that eventually cost city taxpayers greatly.

The city since 2009 has settled seven lawsuits against Campbell, a 17-year veteran officer. He ties for second among officers named in the most lawsuits settled by the city during those past six years, the Tribune's analysis of available data shows. His partner during the Guzman arrest, Sautkus, was named in four settled cases.

Both are part of a small group of officers — just 124 of the city's police force of roughly 12,000 — who were identified in nearly a third of the misconduct lawsuits settled since 2009, suggesting that officers who engaged in questionable behavior did it over and over. The Tribune's investigation also found that 82 percent of the department's officers were not named in any settlements. Still, the conduct of those 124 officers cost the city $34 million, the Tribune investigation found.

The Tribune also found that while many officers as well as police union officials attribute claims of misconduct to the rough and tumble of working in crime-ridden neighborhoods, complaints against Campbell, Sautkus and their colleagues have often occurred while the group patrolled relatively low-crime areas, focused on quality-of-life issues.

Of the more than 1,100 cases the city settled since 2009, just 5 percent were for more than $1 million. Many of those involved fatal shootings, wrongful prosecutions and the sort of brutality allegations that have drawn the attention of the U.S. Justice Department, which recently launched an investigation into the Chicago Police Department's use of force.

The bulk were settled for less serious incidents, including officers allegedly injuring arrestees during traffic stops, making false arrests, uttering racial slurs or other alleged misconduct while officers were off-duty.

Still, those lawsuits cost the city millions of dollars, the Tribune's analysis shows, but underwent little scrutiny. A vast majority, 85 percent, were settled for $100,000 or less, which meant the deals did not require City Council approval. And Chicago officers accused of misconduct are rarely disciplined, data show.

Defense attorney Terry Ekl, a former prosecutor, said the toll isn't just financial. Unchecked alleged misconduct, even when nonfatal, continues to erode the public's confidence in police, particularly in Chicago, he said.

"Police would have more credibility with the public if they would admit they made a mistake," Ekl said. That, he added, would require breaking the code of silence more often — at the street level and among police brass.

Chicago Police Department spokesman Anthony Guglielmi agreed that the department hasn't done enough to root out bad officers.

"This has been an issue for decades and there is no question the department needs to do a better job identifying officers with problematic behavior to hold them accountable and restore trust in the police," Guglielmi said in an emailed statement. He said improving the department's "early intervention system" will be a focus of the newly named Task Force on Police Accountability and the Justice Department investigation.

"Interim Supt. (John) Escalante recognizes that this issue needs to be addressed as soon as possible," he said.

Mayor Rahm Emanuel's office also acknowledged that the city has historically not sufficiently addressed the pattern of alleged abuse among Chicago police.

Emanuel spokesman Adam Collins noted in an email that the Police Department; the Independent Police Review Authority, which investigates police misconduct; and the Law Department are collaborating "on new ways in which all available information, from settlements to complaints to actual findings, can be better used to hold officers with problematic histories accountable."

Neighborhood cops, neighborhood lawsuits

The Tribune's analysis of lawsuits shows that many of the officers named in three or more settled cases ran in small circles, working together on assignments, or moved around the city and partnered with others who were sued frequently as well.

One such group of officers works in the Chicago Lawn district.

Campbell and Sautkus attended Catholic grade schools in different parts of the city's South Side and, public records show, both went to St. Rita of Cascia High School. They both applied for a job with the Chicago Police Department in the late 1990s. Campbell got hired first, in 1998. Sautkus worked as a 911 call dispatcher with the city and joined the Police Department a year after Campbell.

They've patrolled the same areas and bought houses around the same time in a western stretch of the Chicago Lawn district, which includes Garfield Ridge, a neighborhood with one of the largest concentrations of Police Department employees in the city.

Before he teamed up with Sautkus, Campbell was partnered with a friend, Rudolph Garza. Off duty, Garza and Campbell hang out, swimming in Campbell's pool or watching sports together, according to court records. Garza, a Marine Corps veteran who attended public grammar school in the Back of the Yards neighborhood, bought a home in Garfield Ridge a few years after Campbell and Sautkus.

The three officers have earned hundreds of awards and commendations from the department for their work. They've also racked up 16 lawsuit settlements since 2009 among them and two other officers who also live in the neighborhood, Christopher Barajas and Lance Handzel. The city paid $1.5 million to settle those cases.

Campbell, Garza and Handzel declined to comment. Sautkus and Barajas did not return calls seeking comment.

While police officials have long attributed the frequency of lawsuits against officers on the tough assignments they work, the lawsuits against Campbell and his co-workers stemmed from traffic stops and on-foot contact for minor crimes in their neighborhood. Campbell made 92 arrests from January 2013 to March 2014. Police Department records, provided by a complainant's attorney, show that a majority were for traffic violations or misdemeanor charges, including cannabis possession or resisting arrest.

In 2015, a father and son were paid $30,000 to settle excessive force allegations that Barajas pulled them over in the alley next to his house and approached their vehicle with his gun unholstered because he feared they were burglars, not relatives of his new neighbor. In court documents, Barajas described the stop as an ordinary field interview. But Darren Osborn, 45, said it was anything but from the moment Barajas saw him.

Osborn said he told the officer he was helping his brother-in-law rehab his new house. But Barajas said in a deposition that he didn't recognize the neighbor's name. "He said, 'I know this neighborhood. I own this block,'" Osborn alleged the officer said.

Osborn said in a lawsuit that Barajas banged him against a car and berated him for a half-hour before a supervisor arrived and told him and his teenage son to leave. Osborn, who said he never had been in trouble with the law, said the experience frightened his son to tears and made both fearful of police.

"I'll be driving along and a squad car will drive up and I'll get all shaky and I'm like, why am I nervous, I didn't do anything," he said.

Another combined $190,000 was paid out in varying amounts in six separate lawsuits that alleged that Campbell, Garza, Sautkus and Barajas used racial slurs and choked or hit men. Among them was Lashaun Duprey, a 19-year-old black man who was riding in the back seat of a car on Nov. 8, 2013, when Campbell and Sautkus stopped the vehicle, according to Duprey's lawsuit.

Duprey alleged in the suit that the officers called the people in the car monkeys and that Sautkus punched him in the face outside of the vehicle. In the arrest report, Sautkus said he saw the teen pick up a "dark object" that the officer thought was a weapon. He said he struck him in the face to stun him so he could arrest him. Duprey was charged with resisting a police officer; the charge was eventually dismissed.

Duprey declined to comment through his attorney, who said he feared retaliation by the officers. In 2015, the city settled the suit for $30,000.

In 2012 the city paid $200,000 to an Arab-American woman who alleged that when Garza and Campbell stopped her for a traffic violation, she was groped and told she looked like a stripper and a terrorist, according to records. The lawsuit alleged that Garza also showed the woman a military tattoo, "talked about his history in the military, and spoke of the military killing her people."

Garza and Campbell denied the allegations, court records show. The woman was charged with drug possession, but the charges were dismissed after a judge ruled that she was stopped without probable cause.

The city paid $530,000 to settle allegations in 2013 that Handzel, Barajas and Campbell repeatedly harassed a biracial teen who had recently moved onto Handzel's block. Handzel allegedly made racial slurs and told the teen that he didn't belong in the neighborhood.

Attorney Torreya Hamilton, who represented Guzman, Osborn and a handful of others who filed lawsuits against the five officers, said the Garfield Ridge officers appeared to operate as if they owned the neighborhood and that the constitutional rights of those they stop don't apply.

"These officers are overzealous in their policing tactics because in their minds, they're protecting the homefront," she said.

No discipline, despite settlements

The Tribune used settlement data from the city's Law Department to identify the more than 1,100 police misconduct lawsuits that were resolved in Chicago's federal court and Cook County Circuit Court over the past six years. In 90 percent of the cases, the names and badge numbers of officers facing allegations in court were identified.

The Tribune compiled that information to determine which officers the city settled claims against most frequently. The data also show that a small number, roughly 1 percent of officers, are named in three or more settlements.

Despite the fact that such a small number of officers have been involved in a disproportionate number of settlements for police misconduct, discipline against the officers has been scant.

City attorneys have a system for tracking how often officers are sued and, if an officer is sued multiple times, they pass that information on to the Chicago Police Department's legal staff. What happens with that information depends on the circumstances of the lawsuits, including whether the suits indicate any wrongdoing, said Law Department spokesman Bill McCaffrey.

It's up to IPRA or the Police Department to recommend discipline, officials said.

IPRA has said it will not consider an officer's complaint history during the investigation unless the agency has recommended prior discipline for that officer.

A review of dozens of complaints against the five Garfield Ridge officers shows that IPRA often found "inconsistencies" in primary witnesses' statements or could not find additional witnesses, which hampered their investigations.

In contrast, the police officers' statements, and those of their partners and responding officers involved in these alleged incidents, routinely deny witnessing misconduct, according to the reports. Their consistent statements led IPRA investigators to routinely conclude that there was "insufficient evidence to prove or disprove the allegations."

But Craig Futterman, a law professor and civil rights attorney at the University of Chicago's Mandel Legal Aid Clinic, said the fact that the same officers continue to rack up lawsuits reflects a longtime failure by city officials, who have allowed the officers' behavior to go unchecked.

"The old expression, where there's smoke there's fire, that's a truism," Futterman said. "It doesn't mean that there's always going to be fire, but certainly, if you see smoke, that's where you ought to be looking."

Off-duty brawl

None of the complaints against the five officers in recent years resulted in discipline.

That was the conclusion when IPRA probed the complaint behind a lawsuit that alleged that Sautkus, Campbell and a handful of other officers conspired to cover for Garza when he allegedly broke a woman's nose in 2007 while she was handcuffed in the back seat of a squad car.

Ashley Suntken, who was 21 at the time, told an IPRA investigator that she was at a party and intoxicated when Garza, who was there off-duty with Campbell, punched her in the face in a squad car after an argument. According to some witness statements collected by IPRA, Suntken, ejected from the party, had been led to a squad car with no visible injuries.

From the back seat of the squad car, she said, she overheard an officer ask Garza, who had accused her of punching him earlier in the evening, if he wanted "a free shot" at her. Garza then opened the squad car door and punched her three times in the face, she said.

"There was blood everywhere," Suntken said. "I was spitting blood. I was drunk. I was screaming in pain."

Suntken was arrested for battery. She was acquitted of the charges, sued the city and got a $134,000 settlement in 2009.

More than a year later, IPRA closed its inquiry with investigator Theresa Davis concluding that "there is insufficient evidence to either prove or disprove the allegations."

Suntken had reconstructive surgery, and there are few traces of the injuries, but she said it was a long recovery. Her daughters, who were toddlers at the time, said she looked like a monster while she was healing, she said.

Three of the officers in the Garfield Ridge group have faced some discipline, but not for the complaints filed in the past six years.

Campbell was suspended a decade ago after he got into a rollover accident on I-57 and his blood alcohol was 0.235, nearly three times the legal limit, according to a 30-day suspension ruling approved by the Chicago Police Board. Campbell also was charged with DUI and received supervision in Cook County.

Handzel was suspended for a year in 1997 for pulling a gun on a man during a traffic dispute.

Garza was charged with DUI a year ago. His case is still pending, and Chicago police said he has been stripped of his police powers and is on administrative duty.

Teen stopped again

The Guzman family had moved to Garfield Ridge to get their children into a safer neighborhood during their teenage years. Witnessing what the family described as frequent targeting of the eldest son has contributed to their distrust of police.

"I see a cop car, and I get nervous as hell now, no matter who they are," said Jonathan Guzman, now 20.

Prosecutors dropped the drug possession charges against Guzman that were filed after Campbell and Sautkus pulled him over and his car was impounded in April 2014. Guzman abandoned his car then, saying the $2,000 to get it out of the lot was more than it was worth.

Eight months later, Guzman, a landscaper, was driving a new car down a residential block in Garfield Ridge when Campbell and Sautkus pulled him over again — this time for failing to stop at a stop sign.

The officers searched his 2000 Cadillac and found $3 worth of marijuana in the console. Guzman was ticketed, arrested and his car was once again impounded. For the second time in a year, he forfeited his car to the tow lot because the fees cost more than he'd paid for it.

Guzman hasn't owned a car since because he's afraid they'll take it.

"I want to say it's over, but I know that it's not," said his mother, Jenny Guzman. These days she rarely lets her youngest son, who is 15, go out to play in the neighborhood for fear that he will get targeted.

"I'm afraid because of the cops and because he is a Guzman," she said.

acaputo@tribpub.com

jgorner@tribpub.com

Copyright © 2016, Chicago Tribune



"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
2/1/2016 10:18:40 AM

BLASPHEMY!

02.01.16 12:13 AM ET

Islamicide: How the Mullah Mafia Is Destroying Pakistan


By Maajid Nawaz

A boy cuts off his own right hand because it offended God. Pedophilia is holy. To question is to risk execution. Welcome to a nation in thrall to suicidal fanaticism.

LONDON — Somewhere in the world there is a Muslim-majority country in which a 15-year-old boy accidentally raised his hand to answer the wrong question at a religious sermon. The boy said yes, when he meant to say no.

His religious instructor, his mullah, had been asking, “Who among you loves their Prophet?” All present raised their hands. The mullah then followed with another question: “Who among you doesn’t believe in the teachings of the Holy Prophet? Raise your hands!”

The boy thought he was answering the first question again. He stuck his right hand up in pride. Yes. Yes, I love my Prophet, he thought. But to the poor boy’s horror, the mullah had asked the question in the negative. Upon realizing his mistake, which I remind you was … raising his hand too quickly, the boy was told before 100 worshippers that he had committed blasphemy. He was mortified. The boy promptly departed that day and walked home. All along the way he must have been thinking about his mistake. Had his hand exposed him as an apostate by bearing false witness against his soul? How could he ever regain his lost status as a believer?

In his utter depression, perhaps the boy recalled the passage of the Quran that describes the Day of Reckoning in which believers’ own limbs will testify against them, betraying their misdeeds.

He may even have recalled a traditional saying ascribed to the Prophet Muhammad, “Even if my own daughter Fatima stole, by God I would cut off her hand.”

In this spirit, hadn’t a member of ISIS just executed his own mother for apostasy? Whatever was on his mind, this boy, who wanted so much to be considered a true, fearful believer, decided that he must take action to fix his terrible mistake. What happened next has alternately shocked, embarrassed, infuriated and depressed me. It has come to symbolize the collective suicide—let’s call it Islamicide— of this boy’s country.

The boy went into his father’s workshop, placed his right hand inside the grass cutting machine and chopped it clean off.

That’s right. He cut off is own hand in the name of the Prophet. “When I raised my right hand unwittingly, I realized I had committed blasphemy and needed to atone for this,” he told the BBC. “I came back home…but found the place dark, so I took my uncle’s phone to point some light at my hand. I placed it under the machine and chopped it off in a single swirl.”

Bleeding profusely, the boy then walked all the way back to the mosque, and found his mullah. As atonement for heresy, he then presented his severed hand to the mullah. “The hand that commits blasphemy should be chopped off,” the boy later said.

The boy was promptly hailed by his mullah as an aashiq — a true lover of the Prophet — and his extreme act of expiation was celebrated throughout his village and surrounding villages. Neighbors are appearing at his home, kissing his left hand, and placing some cash in his pocket.

“I heard that a boy sacrificed his own hand for the love of our Prophet. I came here to meet him” one said.

All he wanted to do was please his mullah.

Meanwhile, across this boy’s fervent and restive country, in his capital city, a bill had been proposed that would outlaw pedophilia, euphemistically called “child marriage.” But there’s an entire mullah mafia in the big city with attitudes much like that of the small-minded village cleric who celebrated his student’s self-mutilation. And that mullah mafia thanks heaven for little girls.

Marvi Memon of the ruling Muslim League party was attempting to introduce harsher punishment for those who “marry” minors, while also raising the legal age of marriage to 18. Relatively uncontroversial in 2016, you would think. But such is the fear of being accused of committing blasphemy in this country, such is the power of the accuser, that all one has to do is threaten. And that is exactly what happened.

The country’s Council of Islamic Ideology declared that to outlaw pedophilia would be an insult to the Prophet Muhammad, for hadn’t he married a nine-year-old girl called Aisha?

Unanimously rejecting the proposed Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Bill 2014 on “purely religious grounds,” the mullahs pronounced any Representatives who supported this reform to be blasphemers.

Chairman of the Council Mohammad Khan Sheerani said,“Parliament cannot create legislation that is against the teachings of the Holy Quran or Sunnah.”

In May 2014, the Council repeated its earlier ruling that girls as young as nine years old were eligible for marriage if “the signs of puberty are visible.” The legislators — from the ruling party I remind you — were forced to withdraw their bill immediately.

The mullah mafia had won once again. A great “victory for Islam.” Pedophilia was “Islamic.” And to question it was blasphemy. Which is punishable by death, in case you were ever in doubt.

That boy lived just outside Lahore. That capital city was Islamabad. Welcome to Pakistan 2016. A country committing Islamicide.

How I mourn you Pakistan. You were once the pride and hope of South Asia. Muhammad Ali Jinnah fought to found you, to build a country in which “Muslims will cease to be Muslims, and Hindus will cease to be Hindus, not in the religious sense, but as citizens of the state” and yet today your Sunni terrorists would murder Jinnah as a “heretical” Shia.

Like all rotten gangsters seeking power through intimidation, with every new victory Pakistan’s mullah mafia extends its clutches further. Their definition of blasphemy gets broader and broader, starting with a direct insult; yet now encompassing “heretical” sects such as Shia and Ahmedis; and, wider still, being deployed to protect pedophilia.

Everyone is petrified. The mullah mafia seem invincible. To offend them is obviously to offend God. And to offend God, the Most Merciful, apparently deserves death. But of course, this has got “nothing to do with Islam.”

Perhaps it was all over when the progressive leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the late Benazir Bhutto’s father, gave in to this mullah mafia and introduced legally sanctioned sectarianism to Pakistan’s laws in 1974, declaring the Ahmedi sect to be infidels. Perhaps it was the end when Gen. Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq came to power in 1977, using Islam to crush his opponents, and introducing strict medieval era penal codes such as public flogging.

Perhaps it was finished when former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated by a jihadist terrorist in 2007.

Or maybe I should have lost hope in 2011 after the governor of Punjab, Salman Taseer, was gunned down by his own bodyguard amid accusations of “blasphemy.”

Or likewise when Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti was killed that same year, for the very same reason.

Maybe those of us desperately clinging to the memory of a secular Pakistan that was, that could have been, should just call it quits now.

But then I think of this boy. And I think of the child “brides,” and the acid victims, and all the brave voices — military and civilian—who have given their lives to fight this madness; and I think of the assassinated Governor Salman Taseer’s son, Shahbaz Taseer, and former Prime Minister Yousuf Gilani’s son, Ali Haider, both still missing after terrorists kidnapped them hoping to ransom them. And it wrenches at my gut.

When I see the protestors lighting candles at Liberty Chowk after every major terrorist attack, when I hear of brave new Pakistani voices boldly proclaiming their counter-extremist message from within, when I behold the slightly paralyzed left side of Malala’s face looking back at me in her photograph, I am forced to remind myself, amid all the depression: Pakistan Zindabad, Pakistan Lives.


(THE DAILY BEAST)

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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