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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
8/30/2016 5:08:57 PM

ISIS Buried Thousands in 72 Mass Graves

HARDAN, Iraq — Aug 30, 2016, 2:21 AM ET

The Associated Press

FILE - In this April 3, 2015, file photo, an Iraqi man prays for his slain relative at the site of a mass grave believed to contain the bodies of Iraqi soldiers killed by Islamic State group militants when they overran Camp Speicher military base in Tikrit, Iraq, in June 2014. An analysis by The Associated Press has found 72 mass graves left behind by Islamic State extremists in Iraq and Syria, and many more are expected to be discovered as the group loses territory. (AP Photo/Khalid Mohammed, File)


Surrounded by smoke and flames, the sound of gunshots echoing around him, the young man crouched in the creek for hours, listening to the men in his family die.

On the other side of the mountain, another survivor peered through binoculars as the handcuffed men of neighboring villages were shot and then buried by a waiting bulldozer. For six days he watched as the extremists filled one grave after another with his friends and relatives.

Between them, the two scenes of horror on Sinjar mountain contain six burial sites and the bodies of more than 100 people, just a small fraction of the mass graves Islamic State extremists have scattered across Iraq and Syria.

In exclusive interviews, photos and research, The Associated Press has documented and mapped 72 of the mass graves, the most comprehensive survey so far, with many more expected to be uncovered as the Islamic State group's territory shrinks. In Syria, AP has obtained locations for 17 mass graves, including one with the bodies of hundreds of members of a single tribe all but exterminated when IS extremists took over their region. For at least 16 of the Iraqi graves, most in territory too dangerous to excavate, officials do not even guess the number of dead. In others, the estimates are based on memories of traumatized survivors, Islamic State propaganda and what can be gleaned from a cursory look at the earth. Still, even the known victims buried are staggering — from 5,200 to more than 15,000.

Sinjar mountain is dotted with mass graves, some in territory clawed back from IS after the group's onslaught against the Yazidi minority in August 2014; others in the deadly no man's land that has yet to be secured.

The bodies of Talal Murat's father, uncles and cousins lie beneath the rubble of the family farm, awaiting a time when it is safe for surviving relatives to return to the place where the men were gunned down. On Sinjar's other flank, Rasho Qassim drives daily past the graves holding the bodies of his two sons. The road is in territory long since seized back, but the five sites are untouched, roped off and awaiting the money or the political will for excavation, as the evidence they contain is scoured away by the wind and baked by the sun.

"We want to take them out of here. There are only bones left. But they said 'No, they have to stay there, a committee will come and exhume them later,'" said Qassim, standing at the edge of the flimsy fence surrounding one site, where his two sons are buried. "It has been two years but nobody has come."

IS made no attempt to hide its atrocities. In fact it boasted of them. But proving what United Nations officials and others have described as an ongoing genocide — and prosecuting those behind it — will be complicated as the graves deteriorate.

"We see clear evidence of the intent to destroy the Yazidi people," said Naomi Kikoler, who recently visited the region for the Holocaust Museum in Washington, D.C. "There's been virtually no effort to systematically document the crimes perpetrated, to preserve the evidence, and to ensure that mass graves are identified and protected."

Then there are the graves still out of reach. The Islamic State group's atrocities extend well outside the Yazidi region in northern Iraq.

Satellites offer the clearest look at massacres such as the one at Badoush Prison in June 2014 that left 600 male inmates dead. A patch of scraped earth and tire tracks show the likely killing site, according to exclusive photos obtained by the imagery intelligence firm AllSource Analysis.

Of the 72 mass graves documented by AP, the smallest contains three bodies; the largest is believed to hold thousands, but no one knows for sure.

———

ALL THEY COULD DO WAS WATCH THE SLAUGHTER

On the northern flank of Sinjar mountain, five grave sites ring a desert crossroads. It is here that the young men of Hardan village are buried, under thistles and piles of cracked earth. They were killed in the bloody IS offensive of August 2014.

Through his binoculars, Arkan Qassem watched it all. His village, Gurmiz, is just up the slope from Hardan, giving a clear view over the plain below. When the jihadis swept over the area, everyone in Gurmiz fled up the mountaintop for refuge. Then Arkan and nine other men returned to their village with light weapons to try to defend their homes.

Instead, all they could do was watch the slaughter below. Arkan witnessed the militants set up checkpoints, preventing residents from leaving. Women and children were taken away.

Then the killings began. The first night, Arkan saw the militants line up a group of handcuffed men in the headlights of a bulldozer at an intersection, less than a kilometer (half mile) down the slope from Gurmiz. They gunned the men down, then the bulldozer plowed the earth over their bodies.

Over six days, Arkan and his comrades watched helplessly as the fighters brought out three more groups of men — several dozen each, usually with hands bound — to the crossroads and killed them. He didn't always see what they did with the bodies. One time, he saw them lighting a bonfire, but he couldn't see why.

Finally, the jihadis brought in artillery and prepared to make an assault on Gurmiz. Arkan and his comrades fled up the mountain to where their families had taken refuge.

Now, since IS fighters were driven out of the area, the 32-year-old has returned to his home. But he's haunted by the site. As documented by the aid group Yazda, which has mapped the Sinjar sites, the graves are in a rough pentagon flanking the crossroads, largely unprotected. Around one of them is a mesh fence and a wind-battered sign. As Arkan spoke at the site, a shepherd herded his flock nearby.

"I have lots of people I know there. Mostly friends and neighbors," he said. "It's very difficult to look at them every day."

———

"THIS BODY IS WEARING MY FATHER'S CLOTHES"

As IS fighters swarmed into the Sinjar area in early August 2014, Talal fled his town along with his father, mother, four sisters and younger brother. They and dozens of other men, women and children from his extended clan converged on an uncle's farm outside the town of Tel Azer. They prayed it was remote enough to escape the killings that were already engulfing so many Yazidis.

It wasn't.

The jihadis fired at the house from a distance. Then they rolled up in their vehicles and shot one man in the head as they stood in the yard. They surrounded the farmhouse, ordered everyone outside and demanded the impossible: Convert.

The Yazidi faith, one of the region's oldest, has elements of Christianity and Islam but is distinct. Yazidis worship the Peacock Angel, fallen and forgiven by God under their tradition, and their shrines feature carved images of the birds and references to the sun. Muslim extremists condemned them as "devil worshippers" and over the centuries have subjected them to multiple massacres — 72, by the Yazidis' count.

In its own propaganda, the Islamic State group made clear its intention to wipe out the Yazidi community. In an issue of its online English-language magazine Dabiq, it scolded Muslims for allowing the Yazidis to continue existing, calling their ancient religion a form of paganism. It quoted Quranic verses to justify killing the Yazidis unless they become Muslim.

Thwarted in their halfhearted attempt at conversions, the fighters separated about 35 teenage girls and young women from the rest, crammed them into a few cars and drove away. The militants herded the older women and young children into the farmhouse and locked the door.

Then they lined the men and teenaged boys against the wall of the stables — around 40 in all, including Talal.

There were too many of them, too bunched up, to efficiently mow down, so the fighters then ordered them to lie on the ground in a row, Talal said. That was when his uncle told him to make a run for it. Talal bolted into his uncle's hayfield, as did several other men. The militants fired at them, and the bullets ignited the hay, dry from the summer sun. The fire covered Talal's escape, and he took shelter in a nearby creek.

There he hid, listening as the gunmen shot his family to death. He eventually fled toward the mountain, joined by three others who had survived the massacre. Four out of 40.

Back at the farm, the gunmen eventually left and the women and children emerged, looking around with growing horror.

Nouri Murat, Talal's mother, found her husband. His body was untouched, but his head was shattered. Her daughters, she said, were confused at first. "This is strange, this body is wearing my father's clothes," one of them said. As Nouri frantically searched around the property for any surviving menfolk, her 9-year-old daughter Rukhan lay down beside her father's corpse.

Finally, other women persuaded the family to head to the mountain before the Islamic State fighters returned.

As they began the long walk north, Nouri noticed Rukhan's bloody fist. Fearing her daughter was wounded, she pried open the girl's clenched fingers. Inside were a handful of her father's teeth.

———

"THEY DON'T EVEN TRY TO HIDE THEIR CRIMES"

Nearly every area freed from IS control has unmasked new mass graves, like one found by the sports stadium in the Iraqi city of Ramadi. Many of the graves themselves are easy enough to find, most covered with just a thin coating of earth.

"They don't even try to hide their crimes," said Sirwan Jalal, the director of Iraqi Kurdistan's agency in charge of mass graves. "They are beheading them, shooting them, running them over in cars, all kinds of killing techniques, and they don't even try to hide it."

No one outside IS has seen the Iraqi ravine where hundreds of Shiite prison inmates were killed point blank and then torched. Satellite images of scraped dirt along the river point to its location, according to Steve Wood of AllSource. His analysts triangulated survivors' accounts and began to systematically search the desert according to their descriptions of that day, June 10, 2014.

The inmates were separated out by religion, and Shiites were loaded onto trucks, driven for a few kilometers (miles) and forced to line up and count off, according to accounts by 15 survivors gathered by Human Rights Watch. Then they knelt along the edge of the crescent-shaped ravine, according to a report cited by AllSource.

"I was number 43. I heard them say '615,' and then one ISIS guy said, 'We're going to eat well tonight.' A man behind us asked, 'Are you ready?' Another person answered 'Yes,' and began shooting at us with a machine-gun. Then they all started to shoot us from behind, going down the row," according to the Human Rights Watch account of a survivor identified only as A.S.

The men survived by pretending to be dead.

Using their accounts and others, AllSource examined an image from July 17, 2014, that appeared to show the location as described, between a main road and the railway outside Mosul. The bodies are believed to be packed tightly together, side by side in a space approximately the length of two football fields end to end, in what the AllSource analysis described as a "sardine trench." Tire tracks lead to and from the site.

"There's actually earth that has been pushed over and actually moved to cover parts of the ravine. As we look across the entire ravine we only see that in this one location," said Wood. "Ultimately there are many, many more sites across Iraq and Syria that have yet to be either forensically exhumed or be able to be detailed and there's quite a bit more research that needs to take place."

The key, Wood said, is having photos to indicate a grave's location taken soon after its creation.

Justice has been done in at least one IS mass killing — that of about 1,700 Iraqi soldiers who were forced to lie face-down in a ditch and then machine-gunned at Camp Speicher. On Aug. 21, 36 men convicted in those killings were hanged at Iraq's Nasiriyah prison.

But justice is likely to be elusive in areas still firmly under IS control, even though the extremists have filmed themselves committing the atrocities. That's the case for a deep natural sinkhole outside Mosul that is now a pit of corpses. In Syria's Raqqa province, thousands of bodies are believed to have been thrown into the giant al-Houta crevasse.

Conditions in much of Syria remain a mystery. Activists believe there are hundreds of mass graves in IS-controlled areas that can only be explored when fighting stops. By that time, they fear any effort to document the massacres, exhume and identify the remains will become infinitely more complicated.

Working behind IS lines, local residents have informally documented some mass graves, even partially digging some up. Some of the worst have been found in the eastern province of Deir el-Zour. There, 400 members of the Shueitat tribe were found in one grave, just some of the up to 1,000 members of the tribe believed to have been massacred by IS when the militants took over the area, said Ziad Awad, the editor of an online publication on Deir el-Zour called The Eye of the City who is trying to document the graves.

In Raqqa province, the bodies of 160 Syrian soldiers, killed when IS overran their base, were found in seven large pits.

So far, at least 17 mass graves are known, though largely unreachable, in a list put together from AP interviews with activists from Syrian provinces still under IS rule as well as fighters and residents in former IS strongholds.

"This is a drop in an ocean of mass graves expected to be discovered in the future in Syria," said Awad.

———

Butler reported from Washington. Contributors include Balint Szlanko and Salar Salim in Erbil; Sinan Salaheddin in Baghdad; Zeina Karam and Philip Issa in Beirut; Maya Alleruzzo in Cairo.


(abcNEWS)

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
8/30/2016 5:37:55 PM

THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN KASHMIR IS TURNING NASTY

More than 1.3 million rounds have been fired on protesters in Kashmir, blinding or maiming hundreds. More than 1,400 have been shot in the eye.

BY ON 8/30/16 AT 5:30 AM

Over the past month and a half, however, the South Asian giants are on the brink of redefining their relationship and essentially unscrambling thanks to a full-blown pro-independence uprising in India-controlled Kashmir.

It began with the killing of a popular and talismanic rebel commander, Burhan Muzaffar Wani, on July 8 in south Kashmir. In no time, Kashmir erupted in anger.

The funeral prayers for the 21-year-old—offered back-to-back 40 times—were participated in by more than 200,000 locals, despite a government clampdown. Countless absentia funeral prayers in Kashmir’s mosques followed.

Since then, the valley has been witnessing tense nights and curfewed days. About 70 stone-pelting protesters and bystanders have been shot dead. Kashmir’s hospitals are full of patients targeted with bullets and other lethal ordnance. Their number has swelled to 8,500 in the past 51 days as the longest-ever and strictest curfew of the last 30 years endures.

India has come under fire for using deadly pellet-firing shotguns (or the pump-action shotgun). Officially, more than 1.3 million rounds of pellets have been fired on protesters in Kashmir, blinding or maiming hundreds. New official data reveals that more than 1,400 have received ricocheting pellets in the eyes. Billed as “non-lethal” weapons by the Indian paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF),pellets are taking lives in Kashmir. A few weeks ago, doctors at one of the region’s key hospitals discovered more than 300 pellets in the torso of a dead boy.

The pump-action shotgun is also used as a war weapon. These guns are used in close-quarters combat and were used by the U.S. Army in the Vietnam War.

The doctors’ association in Kashmir is worried over how to pass pellet-hit patients through MRI scanners. The scanners, the association says, generate a strong magnetic field as a result of which pellets lodged in the body could move. Doctors say this would be particularly dangerous if the iron or lead pellets are located near vital organs like the brain, heart or spinal cord.

The use of pellets in Kashmir has been likened to the use of white phosphorus in Gaza or the use of chemical weapons in Syria. New reports suggest that India could introduce “PAVA shells,” a chili-based ammunition, after widespread condemnation of shotguns.

Other weapons Indian authorities have used to block the Kashmir rage include oleoresin grenades, flash bombs, electron shells, plastic bullets, pepper balls and stun grenades. Recently, Indian armed forces admitted using electron shells against protesters without offering any description of the newly introduced weapon.

These arsenals, according to a doctor friend, have taken a toll on suckling and expecting mothers, the elderly, and heart and asthma patients. As well as more doctors, Kashmir urgently needs weapons experts to better advise the embattled government on the effects of ordnance before it is used.

08_30_Baba_Kashmir_Revolt_01
A protester throws back a tear-gas shell fired by police in Srinagar, India, during a protest against the recent killings in Kashmir on August 26.DANISH ISMAIL/REUTERS

Night raids, roadblocks, stone pelting, killings, and deadly sieges of villages and cities have reached unprecedented levels in the past 51 days. Internet and mobile services remain blocked. Pressure on local media and a self-embargo of news out of Kashmir by much of India’s national media means the protests in Kashmiri villages go largely unreported. Except for reports on a few Middle East–based TV channels, the uprising in Kashmir has received scant global attention.

Even as the current standoff between Indian soldiers and Kashmiri protesters endures, the organizers, under house arrest or in hiding, including the region’s powerful Hurriyat (an amalgam of several pro-independence parties), have vowed to continue protesting until India pulls back troops and agrees to hold a referendum backed by the U.N. in the region.

The organizers direct the uprising by issuing protest calendars every week. People in hamlets and towns, wary on account of the failed protests of 2008 and 2010, follow the protest timetable to the minute, sometimes with a ferocity that surprises even the campaigners themselves. Trade bodies, fruit growers, contractors, rights activists and even teachers have thrown their weight behind the campaigners.

As India tightens control of the region and vows to defeat what it alleges are “radicals” paid for by neighboring Pakistan, the government in Islamabad has written to the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the U.N., Pope Francis and others seeking diplomatic support on the dispute. Islamabad is dispatching 22 envoys to meet world leaders in the hope of garnering more support.

Away from the realities on the ground in Kashmir, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi chose in a speech on August 15 to increase tensions by raising the human rights issue of Pakistan’s Baluchistan province. However, the Indian opposition parties and a section of the Indian intelligentsia were quick to scoff at Modi’s unrealistic equivalence between Kashmir and Baluchistan. Modi’s rhetorical tactic of applying an illogical substitution to expose Pakistan’s fault lines has only united Pakistanis against India.

For its part, the OIC called for a referendum in Kashmir—as it has done many times in the past. Powerful OIC states like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Oman hold some sway over India. New Delhi buys petroleum hydrocarbons from the Gulf and also receives billions of dollars from the Middle East in remittances.

India has a sizable Muslim population, yet it remains blocked in the OIC. Privately, Pakistani officials acknowledge that the country might even support India joining the OIC in return for New Delhi agreeing to settle the Kashmir dispute.

With the U.S. and the U.N. refusing to designate the Kashmir rebellion as terrorism, the mutiny in the mountains could continue for decades as more young men are drawn into the conflict. Since Wani’s killing, scores of young men have joined the rebel bands living in the forests.

Though not a big threat to the more than half a million Indian troops stationed in Kashmir since 1947, funerals of the young fighters draw tens of thousands of villagers and townspeople and often turn into pro-independence rallies that are dispersed with the full might of the Indian army.

While it may seem that Kashmir is slipping away from Indian control, past experiences suggest that the Himalayan region can expect even more militarization by the central government in Delhi and even more violence from the rebels.

But the greatest danger is that both Pakistan and India are armed with nuclear weapons and have shown little interest in reducing the size of forces or their stockpiles of nuclear missiles.

In the past seven decades, India and Pakistan have fought three wars—two full-blown encounters and a mini-war in 1999 in the Kargil heights over Kashmir. Though the advent of nuclear weapons in the region may have averted full-scale conventional confrontations between the two countries, the saber-rattling by the Asian superpowers, and the carte blanche various non-state actors in the region enjoy, means Kashmir will remain a flashpoint of global concern.

We ignore it at our own risk.

Kashmiri journalist Baba Umar is a Chevening journalism fellow..

(Newsweek)

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
8/30/2016 5:52:18 PM

SOMALIA REGION ‘BLOCKS RETURN’ OF REFUGEES FROM DADAAB

More than 300,000 refugees currently reside in the Dadaab refugee camps.

Updated | The interior minister of Somalia’s Jubbaland region has said that the state has blocked the repatriation of Somali refugees from Kenya due to inadequate humanitarian provisions.

More than 300,000 refugees are currently residing in a complex of refugee camps in Dadaab, a Kenyan town close to the Somali border, the vast majority of whom are Somalis.

The Kenyan government announced plans in May to shut down the camps, saying that they had become a hosting ground for members of Al-Shabab, a Somali militant group that has launched several large-scale attacks in Kenya. Kenyan Interior Minister Joseph Nkaisserry said that the country aimed to move out 150,000 refugees from Dadaab by the end of 2016.

General Mohamed Warsmae Darwish, Jubbaland’s interior and security minister, told Voice of America (VOA) that the region’s security forces had been instructed to stop refugees moving out of a transition center, since “thousands” of refugees were already facing “severe humanitarian challenges” in cities including Kismayo, a port town in southern Somalia and the commercial capital of Jubbaland. Somalia is a federal republic and contains several autonomous regions, of which Jubbaland is one.

“They are transported from Dadaab with trucks and once they reach Somalia they are given $200,” said Darwish. “That is it. They do not have the basic human necessities such as water, food and shelter.”

Dadaab refugees
Refugees stand in line at Kenya's sprawling Dadaab refugee complex in Garissa on July 12. The interior minister of Somalia's Jubbaland region said that the return of Somali refugees from Dadaab has been blocked due to inadequate humanitarian assistance.TONY KARUMBA/AFP/GETTY IMAGES

The return of refugees to Somalia is governed by the Tripartite Agreement, signed by the United Nations, Kenya and Somalia in November 2013. Darwish claimed that the region had been overrun by 16,000 refugees and that the other signatories were not honoring the agreement, which stipulates that shelter be provided for returnees.

A spokesman for the U.N. Refugee Agency in Kenya, Duke Mwancha, told Newsweek: “We have been made aware of this development and we are getting in touch with colleagues and counterparts in Somalia to obtain the details.”

Mwancha says that, since the voluntary repatriation scheme was launched in December 2014, more than 29,000 refugees had returned to Somalia—23,000 of whom did so in the first eight months of 2016.

The U.N. Refugee Agency denied reports on Friday that Somali refugees felt coerced into leaving Dadaab due to allegedly threatening rhetoric by the Kenyan government, Kenya’s Daily Nation reported. U.N. spokesman Mwancha added that returnees were given two $200 stipends—one when leaving Kenya and the same when reaching Somalia—as well as providing them with three months of food rations and promising that their children a place at schools for at least six months.

This article has been updated to include a response and new statistics from the U.N. Refugee Agency. This article originally misspelled the surname of Duke Mwancha.

(Newsweek)

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
8/31/2016 10:45:50 AM

Vaccines, ISIS, Benghazi, Federal Reserve, Major Media

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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Luis Miguel Goitizolo

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RE: ARE WE NOW IN THE END TIMES?
8/31/2016 11:03:35 AM

Major Bank Official: Banks Are “Preparing For An Economic Nuclear Winter”

"Choose a job you love and you will not have to work a day in your life" (Confucius)

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